O Tempora, O Mores! (August, 1995)

Affirmative Action on the Ropes?

Affirmative action took several solid blows in June. The Supreme Court ruled that the federal government cannot establish racial preferences for non-whites just because it feels like it. There must be a compelling national reason that requires discrimination against white people. A clear finding of past discrimination against non-whites is virtually the only “compelling reason” that is likely to stand this level of scrutiny. However, the Supreme Court did not categorically forbid discrimination against whites and men as it forbids discrimination against non-whites and women. Nor are clear cases of past discrimination against white men likely to be grounds for future relief of any kind. All the same, this will make it much harder for the government to set racial hiring quotas. The state of Oregon has already lifted its requirement that federally-funded highway projects use a certain percentage of non-white and female contractors. [Viveca Novak, Oregon Lifts Rules on race for road work, WSJ, 6/23/95., p. A16.]

Pete Wilson, the Governor of California, was a step ahead of the Supreme Court and officially abolished every racial preference it was within his power to abolish. This means the end of hiring “goals” for 150,000 full-time state employees, and the elimination of 150 state boards that advise various parts of the state government on affirmative action.

Gov. Wilson did not have the power to forbid racial preferences in state universities, but he formally requested them to set aside race as an admissions criterion. Just as an exercise, the University of California at Berkeley calculated how a pure meritocracy would affect its student body. The number of Hispanics would drop from 15.3 percent to 3.0 — 6.3 percent, blacks from 6.4 percent to 0.5 — 1.9 percent, and Indians from 1.2 percent to 0.1 — 1.0 percent. The number of Asians would rise from 41.7 percent to 51.6 — 54.7 percent, and the number of whites from 29.8 percent to 34.8 — 37.3 percent. [Sarah Lubman, Campuses mull admissions without affirmative action, WSJ, 5/16/95.]

Meanwhile, amazing things continue to happen in the name of race. Arnold O’Donnell, of whom we wrote in the July “O Tempora” section, has managed to have himself classified as “disadvantaged” and is therefore eligible for contracting set-asides. He had argued that as the white owner of a small construction business operating in the black-run District of Columbia, he faced more discrimination than anyone else in town. In June, a judge agreed. [Paul Barrett, A white man is ruled eligible for set-asides, WSJ, 6/13/95]

The Democratic National Committee is handing out “goals” for the states to meet in selecting their delegations to next year’s national convention. It told the New York State Democrats that their 288-man delegation had better be 26 percent black, 12 percent Hispanic, four percent Asian, and have “at least one Native American.” [No quotas here, Wash times, 6/6/95.]

The Wall Street Journal reports that big, self-righteous American companies have started pressuring their outside law firms to hire more non-whites. American Airlines requires law firms to file quarterly statements on how many women and non-whites worked on airline business, and threatens to stop using firms that employ too many white men. Chrysler, Aetna Life & Casualty, General Motors, and AT&T also pressure law firms to hire women and non-whites. [Amy Stevens, Lawyers and Clients, WSJ, 6/19/95.] Presumably, this is legal. The Supreme Court will see more affirmative action cases.

Small Victories

Last year, the City Council of Lansing, Michigan changed the name of one of the city’s main streets from Grand Avenue to Cesar Chavez Avenue. Now that they have had a chance to express themselves on the question, the people of Lansing have voted by a crushing majority to change the name back. A local Hispanic “leader’s” reaction: “This nation is becoming unglued and we’re heading for destruction in the near future.” [Eric Freedman, Lansing vote to rename chevez [sic] avenue angers Hispanic residents, Detroit News, 6/14/95.]

In Baltimore, a public outcry by whites has thwarted a federal program to sprinkle public housing throughout neighborhoods where everyone else works for a living. When word got out that the Department of Housing and Urban Development was going to send forth Baltimore’s poor blacks into working-class neighborhoods, residents made a huge stink and forced local politicians to object. HUD then canceled similar plans for New York, Boston, Los Angeles, and Chicago, claiming that it had failed sufficiently to educate the neighboring white communities. [Karen De Witt, Housing voucher test in Maryland is scuttled by a political firestorm, NYT, 3/28/95, p. B10.]

The INS is making a sweep through the South to round up illegal aliens. During a raid on a Guntersville, Alabama poultry plant, American workers barred the doors to keep illegals from running away, and cheered as agents did their work. Citizens also congratulated INS agents who stopped off at a local restaurant for lunch. “We’re experiencing fantastic support from the public . . . .” said an INS spokesman, [Carol Robinson, Workers block doors, cheer sweep of aliens, Birmingham News, 6/15/95, p. 1A.] a sentiment rarely expressed by federal employees these days.

Back Home in El Salvador

The Justice Department has finally started deporting alien criminals. In the last two years, it turfed out 144 Salvadoran gang members, and another 700 will be loaded onto airplanes as soon as their prison terms are over. Back home in Central America, these louts continue their lives of crime, but have encountered an unexpected obstacle. A mysterious group called the Black Shadow has emerged to deal with them. In the first five months of this year, Black Shadow dispatched an estimated 23 gang members, and put the fear of God into many more, who are determined to get back to easier pickings in the United States. [Tim Johnson, For gang members, it’s a violent homecoming, Miami Herald, 5/29/95, p. 1A.]

Panther Tales

Hollywood’s latest pack of anti-white lies is a movie called “Panther.” Written and directed by the black father-and-son team of Melvin and Mario Van Peebles, it is supposed to be about the heroic adventures of the Black Panther Party. The main plot line is the FBI’s plan to “neutralize” the panthers by means of what J. Edgar Hoover calls “the final solution.” FBI agents meet with mafia dons to cooperate in a grand scheme to flood black neighborhoods with heroin and destroy black people. Along the way, white policemen routinely kill and brutalize blacks, while the main activity of the black panthers is to give hot breakfasts to hungry children.

Even Bobby Seale, who was a black panther and should know, says “90 percent of everything in the film never happened.” When asked where he got the story on the heroin plot, Van Peebles p [138]re said “I have no corroborating evidence . . . [but] I think it’s very close to fact.” The movie, interspersed with contemporary news footage and featuring characters who are supposed to be Bobby Seale, Huey Newton, and Eldridge Cleaver, gives no hint that it is mostly fantasy. [David Horowitz, Hollywood’s latest outrage, NY Post, 5/17/95.]

PC Gone Wild

The June 1995 Reader’s Digest included the following short item:

From The Fresno Bee (California): “An item about the Massachusetts budget crisis made reference to new taxes that will help put Massachusetts ‘back in the African-American.’ The item should have said ‘back in the black.’”

Go Pick on Whitey

The Westcliff Mall in Dallas, the only black-owned shopping mall in Texas, employs Nation of Islam (NOI) guards. In June, the guards caught four blacks, aged 12 through 16, who were stealing a cash register. The boys were then held at a NOI meeting room for four hours, during which time they were stripped naked and whipped repeatedly with belts and bamboo canes. When the boys parents learned what happened they complained to the police, who arrested four guards on kidnapping charges.

This provoked immediate outrage among Dallas blacks, who called the four-hour beating “a return to lost community values.” It is not hard to imagine what they would have called it if whites had whipped the boys. Gaoloku Lagbara, who owns the mall explained why he uses NOI security forces rather than the police:

“We try to sit these kids down and tell them ‘This is a black mall. Do you realize what you are going? Why would you steal from a black man?’”

The Dallas grand jury has declined to indict the guards but the boys’ parents have filed a civil suit against them. [Nation of Islam members accused of beating boys, Birmingham News, 6/15/95. Todd Bensman, Releases sought in beatings of 4, Dallas Morning News, no date. Allen Myerson, Black Muslim guards are accused of flogging 4 boys at a Dallas Mall, NYT, 6/16/95, p. A8.]

Courage in Low Places

On June 2nd, the Behavior Genetics Association held its annual meeting, in Richmond, Virginia. The outgoing president, Prof. Glayde Whitney of Florida State University, gave the traditional presidential address. Prof. Whitney, who has made his reputation in animal genetics, surprised many in the audience by speaking about racial differences in crime rates. He gently suggested that there might be a genetic explanation for these differences.

Two people sitting at the head table walked out during the speech. One, the president elect of the organization, later returned and apologized to the waiters — “our black brothers” — who had been in the room. Prof. Whitney was shunned for the remainder of the conference. During a meeting of the association’s executive committee no one would even look at him, though one person replied when Prof. Whitney spoke to him directly. The editor of the association’s magazine, Behavior Genetics, has been asking that presidential addresses be submitted for publication but specifically refused to publish this one. As usual in cases of this kind, there has been public condemnation but private approval of Prof. Whitney’s remarks. Fortunately, he has tenure.

Hurrah for Prof. Whitney. Let us hope his courage will be an example for others.

Down Mexico Way

One of the best paid lines of work in Mexico is law enforcement — such as it is. This is because policemen get la mordida, “the bite,” for not enforcing the law. High level police officers put the bite on the subordinates. As one patrolman explains, “When you start your job, the first thing is to go to the chief to be told where to go, what to do, and how often to pay.” Officers then put the bite on the public.

Big-time cops make out like, well, bandits. Drug dealers routinely pay them off, on the principle of plata o plomo, “silver or lead.” If they don’t take the silver, police can expect a stiff dose of lead. Two senior lawmen were recently assassinated because they uncharacteristically refused to accept the $100,000 a month that drug dealers offered them to look the other way.

The higher the office the better the reward. Mario Ruiz Massieu was able to deposit $9 million in just one American bank account on a salary of $70,000 a year. He was deputy attorney general in charge of narcotics. Jobs like this are, of course, for sale. When an American narcotics officer who frequently works south of the border told a Mexican officer that he had recently been made deputy chief of his office, the Mexican replied, “My God, that must have cost you a bundle.”

One of the irksome features of this system for American law enforcement officers is that it is impossible to get any cooperation from the Mexicans if they want to arrest a criminal who has been generous to the local police. “He [the local policeman] has his relationships and they become untouchable while he’s there,” explains one American officer, “but you can move against other people.” “I used to get upset about it,” he adds, “but you can’t sulk.” [Peter Blevin, The greedy get silver and the honest get lead, Miami Herald, 6/5/95, p. 1A.]

Back to Africa

Santeria is a primitive Afro-Cuban cult that involves frequent animal sacrifice. It became popular in the Miami area, as more and more lower-class Cubans followed their betters across the sea. Two years ago, the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah that because Santeria is a “religion,” its Santero priests can ignore animal cruelty laws, and perform their blood-thirsty rites entirely as they please. The American Civil Liberties Union argued the case for Lukumi Babalu Aye and even won $400,000 in court costs in the process.

Shortly after the ruling, a Santero invited television crews to witness the triumphant killing of 15 animals in his apartment. He started with a goat, cutting the throat and twisting the head right off the body. Most sacrificed animals are cooked and eaten, but those that are used to cure diseases are thought to have absorbed the illness and should not be eaten. Instead, the cult requires that the corpses be left in certain places, often on street corners.

Now that it is officially a religion, Santeria is coming out of the closet. Botanicas, or spirit shops, deliver animals of all kinds, suitable for sacrifice, to home or office. Goats are $45 a head and botanicas accept credit cards. The press coverage of the long legal fight over Santeria has even introduced a whole new clientele to Santeria. More and more black Americans are now buying aerosol cans with convenient English labels like “Love Spray,” “Jackpot Money Spray,” “Gamblers Spray,” or “The Seven African Powers.” Bathwater additives with names like “Do My Will” and “Come to Me” are also popular. [Aminda Gonzalez, Santeria still shrouded in secrecy, Miami Herald, 6/11/95, p. 1B.]

The Athens of the Caribbees

An election, which is what President Clinton was prepared to spill American blood in order to bring about, has taken place in Haiti. The results were, in the words of official American observers, a complete “national breakdown of the electoral process.” Hundreds of polling places opened late or did not open at all. Tally sheets were scattered about, mixed together, altered, and sometimes even thrown away. The American observers found “a total absence of safeguards against fraud, tampering, disappearance and destruction of election material.”

The New York Times cannot quite figure out this exercise in democracy, which has just been “restored” to a nation whose population is 80 percent illiterate: “It is not easy to determine whether last week’s irregularities were the product of deliberate wrongdoing or simply an extraordinary display of incompetence.”

Of incompetence, there was plenty. Many people thought they were voting for President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and were surprised not to see his picture on the ballot. Others voted for all candidates. “The level of ignorance was the worst I have ever seen,” said a Brazilian observer.

Perhaps the best summary of the election was provided by Carmen Christophe, former mayor of Port-au-Prince, who was a candidate for the Chamber of Deputies. When asked to explain her platform, she replied, “Deputies don’t have programs, they just vote on proposals in Parliament.” When asked why she was running if she had no ideas of her own, she replied, “I am a politician.” [Larry Rohter, So far at least, inept is the kindest word for Haitian democracy, NYT, 7/2/95.]

Miami Vice

Miami, the Hispanic capital of America, also appears to be the country’s medical fraud capital. Federal officials have yet again unearthed a criminal medical organization that bilked Medicare, Medicaid, and insurance companies out of millions of dollars. The ringleader was Dr. Jesus Castillo, who hired other Hispanics to fake illnesses and stage automobile accidents. Everyone got kickbacks when insurance paid for expensive treatments that were usually never given.

The accident scam started with Hispanics dragging battered automobiles onto the street and claiming they had just had a crash. When that wasn’t convincing, they developed a technique called the “swoop and squat,” whereby three cars driven by miscreants would gang up on an unsuspecting driver and box him in. The lead car would swerve in front of a confederate, who jammed on the brakes. The innocent driver, boxed in between the third car and the curb, would smash into the car in front. The riders would then claim awful injuries that required expensive treatments from Dr. Castillo. The unsuspecting motorist who was lured into the collision often got a ticket from police.

Lisa Chutjian Pinto, Lilia DeJesus Gonzalez, Joaquin Garcia, Rogelio Cabrera, Digna Lopez, and Francisco Alcantara were all arrested along with Dr. Castillo. [Tom Dubocq and Manny Garcia, FBI: Doctor’s scam cost U.S. millions, Miami Herald, 5/25/95, p. 1A.]

Bridges Between Communities

Pelham and Mount Vernon are neighboring towns in New York State. Pelham is 8.8 percent black but Mount Vernon is 55.3 percent black, and the household income in Pelham is close to twice that of Mount Vernon. The two are separated by the Hutchinson River Parkway, and 30 years ago a footbridge was built over the parkway to connect the towns.

For years, young blacks from Mount Vernon have used the footbridge as an escape route after committing crimes in Pelham. During the 1970s, Pelham authorities tried locking the gates to the bridge at night, but the locks were smashed. Now, the bridge is so frequently used for crime that Pelham has officially petitioned the state to tear it down. The reaction of Mount Vernon’s black mayor: “It’s naked racism, no question about it.” [Jacques Steinberg, Bridge over a chasm of tension, NYT, 6/17/95, p. 21.]

Lessons in Hypocrisy

American blacks take it for granted that slavery in America was the greatest sin in the history of the United States, if not of the entire world. Slavery is still practiced in Africa, but this is of little interest to them. An organization called American Anti-Slavery Group, Inc. has reported on attempts to get blacks to do something about it.

For two years, they sent literature to Jesse Jackson but his office sent packages back unopened. Finally a spokesman told them Rev. Jackson would not touch the issue because it seemed anti-Arab. The group sent material to every member of the Congressional Black Caucus; they have taken no public action. Randall Robinson, the head of Transafrica, who has been a tireless campaigner against South African apartheid, cannot be persuaded to do anything about African slavery either. [Mohamed Athie & charles Jacobs, Action due on slavery in Africa, letters to the editor, NY Post, 6/26/95, p. 18.]

Back of the Balcony

Most American movies open on Friday night, when the largest audiences can be expected. However, film distributors have discovered that this is not good timing for black violence movies. Huge, nasty crowds showed up for Friday night openings of “New Jack City,” “Boyz N the Hood,” and “Juice,” and then went on rampages. Black movies now open on Wednesdays to smaller, less dangerous crowds. [Robert Butler, Midweek openings of ‘ethnic’ films aim to avoid Friday-night violence, Miami Herald, 5/31/95, p. 1E.]

Lessons in Hypocrisy

Public school teachers constantly tell us that their schools are vital social institutions that must always be improved with more money. However, in many towns public school teachers are far more likely than other people to send their own children to private schools. In Baltimore, 43.6 percent of the teachers send their children to private schools, as opposed to 18.1 percent of the city as a whole. In Boston, the percentages are 48.9 and 29.9; in Cleveland, 52.8 and 25.2; in Grand Rapids, 55 and 27.3; in Toledo, 49.4 and 26.7. In the nation as a whole, black and Hispanic public school teachers are slightly more likely than white teachers to send their children to private schools. [Dennis Doyle, Lessons in Hypocrisy, WSJ, 1/13/94.]

In other news, it has been reported that the most rigidly segregated cities in the United States — Milwaukee, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Philadelphia — are all in the North, the region that so loves to instruct the South on how to treat blacks. [Immigration — Slow but Steady, U.S. News and World Report, 2/28/94, p. 8.]

Rising Tide

In 1990, New York City was 43 percent white, down from 63 percent in 1970. At this rate, it will be only 35 percent white by the year 2000. During the 1990s, Hispanics will have gone from 24 to 29 percent, Asians from seven percent to ten percent, and blacks from 25 percent to 26 percent. The largest 30-year decline for whites will have been greatest in the Bronx, where they were 50 percent of the population in 1970 but will be only 14 percent in 2000. Hispanics will have gone from 28 percent to 52 percent and will be the majority. [David Firestone, Major ethnic changes under way, NYT, 3/29/95, p. B1.]

Cambodian Doughnuts

Cambodians now own about 80 percent of the doughnut shops in California, and have nearly driven Winchell’s Donut Houses — which used to dominate the market — out of the state. “Where we had one Winchell’s shop, they now have three or four Cambodian shops,” explains a Winchell’s spokesman; “They were very happy with a much lesser volume.” In Los Angeles, there is one doughnut shop for every 7,500 residents, as opposed to one for every 30,000, which is the standard in the rest of the country. [Seth Mydans, Cambodians now rule California’s doughnut empire, Seattle Post Intelligencer, 5/29/95, p. A2.]

Integration, Disintegration

The National Trust for Historic Preservation is a Washington organization that tries to maintain historic neighborhoods. One of the areas it is trying to preserve is the Farish Street District in Jackson, Mississippi, about which it says this:

“After the Civil War, Farish Street became the heart of a thriving, self-sufficient African American community. The end of segregation signaled the decline of independent neighborhoods like Farish Street and today the area suffers the neglect common to many inner-city communities.” [Trust pamphlet, “America’s 11 Most Endangered Historic Places 1995.”]