Joseph E. Fallon, American Renaissance, June 1998
During the past 33 years, Congress has enacted laws on immigration, citizenship, and territorial powers that are deconstructing the United States both as a historic nation and a federal polity. Taken together, federal action amounts to the dissolution of virtually every tie that holds a people together: language, culture, race, and national consciousness. Up until the 1950s and 60s, every one of these vital elements of nation seemed unassailable, but now, primarily because of immigration, the very foundations of national unity are under assault. It is no longer farfetched to consider a possibility that would have been unthinkable 30 or 40 years ago — the collapse and disaggregation of the United States. There is probably no other nation in history that has voluntarily adopted policies that so clearly point towards self-destruction.
A ‘European’ Nation
For nearly two hundred years after independence from Britain in 1783, the United States was demographically a “European” nation with never less than 81 percent of the population white and overwhelmingly Northern European. As recently as 1950, European-Americans were still approximately 90 percent of the total population.
This began to change with the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act Amendments. The congressional sponsors of this legislation repeatedly promised that the law: (1) would not increase annual levels of immigration, (2) would not lower standards for admission, (3) would not redirect immigration away from Europe, and (4) would not alter the demographic makeup of the United States.
Senator Robert Kennedy stated that “the new immigration act would not have any significant effect on the ethnic composition of the U.S.” His brother, Senator Edward Kennedy, asserted: “This bill is not concerned with increasing immigration to this country, nor will it lower any of the high standards we apply in selection of immigrants.” And Emanuel Celler, a congressional opponent of U.S. immigration policy since 1924 insisted, the effect of the bill on the U.S. population would be “quite insignificant,” and that the bill would not let in “great numbers of immigrants from anywhere,” including Africa and Asia.
What these men said proved to be false. Between 1968, the year when the 1965 immigration law fully took effect, and 1996, the annual level of legal immigration rose from around 300,000 to nearly one million. At the same time, the ethnic mix of immigrants changed dramatically. During the 147 years between 1820 and 1967, of the 44 million immigrants legally admitted to the United States, 80 percent were from Europe with another 9 percent from Canada. As a result of the 1965 act, of the more than 19 million immigrants legally admitted to the United States between 1968 and 1996 approximately 83 percent came from somewhere other than Europe or Canada. Asia and the Pacific islands accounted for 34 percent; Latin America and the Caribbean islands for 46 percent; and Africa for about three percent.
This precipitous decline in immigration from Europe and Canada is even more pronounced than it looks. Since 1968, not all immigrants from those countries have been Europeans. Africans, Asians, and Latin Americans often emigrate to various European countries or Canada, then come to the United States under the quotas for those countries.
When illegal immigration is included, the drop in European immigration is even more dramatic. The Immigration and Naturalization Service estimates that five million illegal aliens have settled permanently in the United States, and that this population is increasing by 300,000 a year. Illegal immigration, like legal immigration, is almost entirely nonwhite. As of 1996, of the 2,684,892 illegal aliens granted amnesty by the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) more than 98 percent came directly from the Third World — Africa, Asia, Latin America or the Caribbean.
Many immigrants come for welfare. Before the 1996 Welfare Reform Act, immigrants were participating in more than fifteen major federal and state programs, including Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and Supplemental Security Income (SSI). As more immigrants began to come from the Third World, their welfare rates went up. In 1970, immigrants were on welfare at the same rate as native-born Americans — six percent. By 1990, immigrant welfare rates were higher than those of natives (nine percent versus seven percent) and almost twice as high as for native-born whites (five percent).
Some immigrant groups have particularly high welfare rates: Chinese and Filipinos — 10 percent; Mexicans — 11 percent; Ecuadorians — 12 percent; pre-Marielito Cubans — 15 percent; Vietnamese — 26 percent; Dominicans — 28 percent; and Cambodians and Laotians — nearly 50 percent.
From 1970 to 1990, immigrants went from getting seven percent of all welfare cash benefits to 13 percent, but three quarters of the total cost of welfare is “non-cash transfers,” such as Medicaid, Food Stamps, etc. In his recent analysis, Immigration and the Welfare State, Dr. George Borjas of Harvard calculated the cost of these transfers and found that the overall welfare dependency rate for immigrants is actually 21 percent compared to 14 percent for native-born Americans and 11 percent for native-born whites. The rise in welfare rates among immigrants is expected to continue, since current immigrants have less schooling, less proficiency in English, fewer skills, and are earning less than either earlier immigrants or native-born Americans.
Today, nearly 40 percent of all adults admitted to the United States each year are high school dropouts. In 1990, one of every four high-school age immigrants from Mexico was not in school, and some three million immigrant high school dropouts living in the United States accounted for one-fifth of all dropouts in the labor market. This represented a doubling of the immigrant share of high school dropouts since 1980.
Of the foreign born who arrived since 1980, 60 percent do not speak English “very well” compared to 37 percent of those who arrived before 1980. Only 26 percent of the European foreign born do not speak English “very well,” compared to 71 percent of Mexicans, 63 percent of Central Americans, 48 percent of South Americans, and 43 percent of Caribbean islanders. In 1995, the poverty rate for the foreign born was 70 percent higher than that for native-born Americans. The number of recently-arrived elderly immigrants more than tripled between 1970 and 1994. This helps explain why, in 1992, immigrants received $2.7 billion more in social security benefits than they contributed. Donald Huddle of Rice University and David Simcox of the Center for Immigration Studies estimate that over the next decade the social security deficit caused by immigration will total $30 billion. From 1982 to 1994, the number of elderly immigrants who received Supplementary Security Income (SSI) grew from 127,900 to 738,000 or by approximately 580 percent.
According to Dr. Huddle, the net national cost of immigration to U.S. taxpayers was $65 billion in 1996, or the equivalent of $981 for every American family of four. The annual cost is projected to grow to $108 billion within the decade.
Despite Senator Robert Kennedy’s insistence that the 1965 immigration law “can have no significant effect on the ethnic balance of the United States,” its impact has been dramatic. From 1965 to 1990 — in just 25 years — it has reduced the percentage of whites from 89 to barely 75. The Census Bureau estimates that after 2050 whites will drop below 50 percent of the U.S. population. Even before that date, whites will have been reduced to a demographic minority in California by the year 2000, in Texas by 2015, and in Florida and New York some time after 2015.
In the meantime, the impact of Third World immigration, through the concept of “multiculturalism,” has already produced a sustained attack on the historic identity of the United States as a “European” country. Pro-Third World militants demand that since the United States is multiracial it must also be multicultural. The U.S. government agrees. The opening attack on the cultural identity and political unity of the United States was the federal assault on the English language. In 1968, Congress passed the Bilingual Education Act authorizing education of non-English speaking children in their native languages. By 1993, the annual cost of bilingual education was $12 billion. In its 1982 “Plyler v. Doe” ruling the Supreme Court only made things worse, by requiring the states to provide free public education — often in their own languages — to illegal aliens.
Despite federal law requiring a naturalized U.S. citizen to be able to “demonstrate an understanding of the English language,” Congress amended the Voting Rights Act in 1975 to require that ballots be printed in languages other than English whenever 10,000 people of voting age or five percent of the total voting-age population in a district speak a language other than English (these figures include non-citizens who are legally prohibited from voting), and have an illiteracy rate that exceeds the national average. Local authorities can now be required to print ballots in 320 languages and an additional 100 dialects.
In 1990, Congress waived the English fluency requirement for citizenship for people who are over 50 and have lived legally in the U.S. for more than 20 years, and for those who are over 55 and have lived legally in the country for more than 15 years. Even before this, one third of immigrants who became U.S. citizens during the 1980s were classified by the Census Bureau as “linguistically isolated.” These are people who live in “households in which no one 14 years old or over speaks only English and no one speaks English “very well’.” Remarkably, over two percent of “native-born” Americans (this figure includes Puerto Ricans) now do not speak English “very well.”
Language is one of the central battlefields of the culture war. In 1982, then-mayor of Miami, Florida, Maurice Ferre, declared that “within ten years there will not be a word of English spoken [in Miami]; one day residents will learn Spanish or leave.” Mayor Ferre could say this because post-1965 immigration had so completely changed the demographics of Miami. In 1960, whites were approximately 77 percent of the population. By 1990, Hispanics, who had been an insignificant number before 1965, were at 62 percent and whites were only twelve percent.
In November 1980, alarmed whites approved a referendum making English the official language of Dade County (which contains Miami). In May 1992, Hispanic militants successfully lobbied the Dade County Commission to repeal the referendum.
In November 1988, at the state level, 84 percent of voters approved an amendment to the Florida constitution to make English the sole official language, but the amendment required enabling legislation in the state house to take effect. In 1989, Hispanic activists bottled up the bill in committee, effectively nullifying the amendment.
Hispanic activists are on the offensive in other states, too. At a January 1995, rally at the University of California, Riverside, to oppose Proposition 187 (which denied welfare and other benefits to illegal aliens) Art Torres declared: “Remember, 187 is the last gasp of white America in California!” At the time, Mr. Torres was chairman of the California Democratic Party. Participants at the rally included Xavier Hermosillo, a Los Angeles radio talk show host, who boasted in 1993 that Mexican-Americans were taking political control of the “former Mexican colony, California, house by house, block by block.” Among the many statements made at this rally were “English should be a foreign language”; “We are hostages in our own land, prisoners of war”; “We live under occupying alien force,” “We’re in a state of war,” and “We live in the annexed territories of Aztlan.”
The success of the Aztlan movement, which would detach the Southwest and create an independent, all-Mexican nation, will depend on whether American immigration policy continues unchanged. In 1970, Hispanics were 12 percent of the population of California. By 1990 they were 26 percent and are projected to be 32 percent in 2000. Between 1970 and 1994, the Hispanic population in California grew from 2,369,000 to 8,939,000, more than tripling in 24 years.
Meanwhile, the culture war against the “European” identity of the United States continues to rage. In 1991, Congress changed the name of the Custer National Battlefield Monument in Montana. It is now officially called the Little Bighorn National Battlefield Monument and commemorates both sides — the 200 U.S. troopers who were killed and mutilated, and the Indians who killed them. In Oregon in 1994, a state agency rejected a monument called “The Promised Land,” which it had commissioned to commemorate the 150th Anniversary of the Oregon Trail. The statue depicted a white pioneer family.
In San Antonio, Texas, Mexican militants are demanding that the monument to the defenders of the Alamo — Davy Crockett, Jim Bowie, William Travis, etc. — be torn down or removed.
In San Jose, California, in 1994, Hispanics succeeded in having the city spend $500,000 to have a statute of the Aztec god, Quetzalcoatal, erected in a public park. This replaced a monument to the Liberty Bell. The State of South Dakota and the City of Berkeley, California, have abolished “Christopher Columbus Day” and now celebrate American Indians instead.
In Lady Lake, a Florida retirement community, management prohibited residents from displaying the U.S. flag from their homes in 1996 because “in a multinational community, U.S. flags might offend some residents.” In New York City in 1996, Islamic militants objected to Christmas decorations in Grand Central Terminal. At their insistence, most of the decorations were removed, and an Islamic flag with a star and crescent will now be put up every Christmas season.
Universities are now part of the assault on America’s European identity. In 1988 Stanford University changed its curriculum when student demonstrators marched chanting “Hey hey, ho ho, Western Civ. has got to go.” Now Berkeley, Dartmouth, Mount Holyoke, and the University of Wisconsin require students to study Third World cultures, but not European culture.
As the culture crumbles, Congress has been at work undermining the meaning of citizenship. The citizenship test is multiple choice with two dictated sentences to determine English literacy. The applicant need get only one sentence right. Should an applicant fail, he can keep on taking the examination until he passes. The Federal Citizenship Textbook Series assures applicants that “re-tests are variations of the initial test.”
Some of the test questions demean citizenship. One is “Name one benefit of being a citizen of the United States.” According to the U.S. government the three acceptable answers are: “to obtain federal government jobs, to travel with a U.S. passport, and to petition for close relatives to come to the United States to live.”
One question asks “Whose rights are guaranteed by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights?” The U.S. government says the correct answer is “Everyone’s (citizens and non-citizens living in the United States).” In fact, besides limiting the franchise to citizens, the Constitution does not allow aliens to run for President, Congress, or the Senate.
The INS itself makes a mockery of naturalization. Although the law requires FBI fingerprint checks of applicants for naturalization, since 1994 the INS has let immigrants submit fingerprints by mail! From August, 1995, to September, 1996, an estimated 180,000 aliens were naturalized without complete FBI background checks. A reported 71,500 became citizens despite criminal records that should have disqualified them.
The franchise has gone the way of citizenship. The National Voter Registration Act of 1993, known as the “Motor-Voter” law, does everything but explicitly invite fraud. As columnist Georgie Anne Geyer notes, it “requires states to conduct mail-in voter registration, discourages states from verifying eligibility or citizenship, and expressly states that mail-in registration forms may not include any requirement for notarization or other formal authentication.” The federal government also permits cities to let non-citizens vote in local elections. Five cities in Maryland do this: Takoma Park, Somerset, Martin’s Additions, Barnesville, and Chevy Chase.
As it undermines citizenship, attacks the culture, and encourages demographic transformation in the United States, Congress explicitly recognizes the dangers of all these things when it grants special powers to American territories. The most important of these is control of immigration, a power the Supreme Court denied to the states in 1875. American Samoa, Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Northern Marianas, and Palau can control immigration to their territories in order to preserve their racial, ethnic, and cultural identities. Congress also permits American Samoa, Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Northern Marianas, and Palau to restrict land ownership. In effect, only the natives of these islands can own land.
Although the states of the union are losing control to immigrants and aliens, Congress has granted American Samoa, Guam, Federated States of Micronesia, Marshall Islands, Northern Marianas, Palau, Puerto Rico, and U.S. Virgin Islands independent representation in international organizations. Such marks of sovereignty are denied to the states. Multiculturalism and dispossession are fine for white Americans but would be a tragic loss of identity for nonwhite islanders.
In 1787, John Jay wrote of the good fortune of the Americans in being “one united people, a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs.” Since 1965, the United States has thrown away all the advantages Jay so rightly appreciated. However, the deconstruction of the United States is not an act of God or ordained by any law of history. It is the result of policies deliberately implemented by the federal government over the last 33 years in blatant disregard of the expressed wishes of the white majority. It is a process, therefore, that not only can be stopped; it can be completely reversed. All that is necessary is for whites, in the words of columnist Samuel Francis, to “have the strength and the will and the common purpose to take back our country and our culture.”