American Renaissance, May 1999
Duke Runs for Congress
David Duke is running for the 1st Congressional District seat in Louisiana vacated by Robert Livingston — and appears to have a good chance of winning. In 1989 Mr. Duke was elected to the Louisiana state house from this 85-percent white district, and he carried 57 percent of the district vote in a 1990 race for U.S. Senate.
In his campaign literature Mr. Duke says, “it is Whites today who face racial discrimination in programs deceptively called “affirmative action.’” He describes the white flight and deterioration that resulted from integration and says, “I am unalterably opposed to forced integration of schools and neighborhoods. Homeowners and property owners should have the freedom of choice in these matters.” His literature also criticizes immigration, the Malcolm X postage stamp, and attacks on American heritage such as the removal of George Washington’s name from a black public school in New Orleans.
There are seven Republicans running for the seat, including former governor and congressman David Treen, and a sitting state legislator. Of the two Democrats, Bill Strain, a wealthy trucking and construction executive, appears to have the edge. A primary open to candidates of all parties will be held on May 1st. If, as expected, no one gets more than 50 percent of the vote, the two top candidates will have a runoff on May 29th. Louisiana state Democratic Chairman Ben Jeffers predicts a runoff between Mr. Duke and Mr. Strain.
As it always does, the GOP has repudiated Mr. Duke. Republican National Chairman Jim Nicholson says, “there is no room in the party of Lincoln for a Klansman like David Duke” — although it has been 20 years since Mr. Duke was in the Klan. But some Republicans are hedging their bets. Louisiana Governor Mike Foster has refused to condemn Mr. Duke and says he will not endorse anyone in the primary. (Richard Benedetto, An Ex-Klan Leader, a Monica Among La. Hopefuls, USA Today, March 23, 1999, p. 7A.)
This race will be an important test of whether whites are still capable of voting for their own interests. Mr. Duke continues to be vilified in the press, and some voters will be frightened by his views. However, more and more whites are prepared to defy egalitarian and integrationist orthodoxies — at least in the privacy of the voting booth. A Duke victory would mark a major change in white attitudes that could have far-reaching consequences.
Race and Disease
Canada, England, Sweden and Denmark have eradicated syphilis, and the Center for Disease Control (CDC) would like to do the same in the United States. The problem appears to be that, as the CDC delicately puts it, “syphilis is concentrated in particular subgroups.” To be blunt about it, blacks get the disease at 44 times the white rate. Syphilis is therefore concentrated by region as well as by race. Montana, North Dakota, New Hampshire and Vermont have no syphilis at all, whereas states with large black populations have a lot. Seventy-five percent of American counties report no syphilis and over 50 percent of the cases are in just 31 counties — one percent of the country. Syphilis is a good candidate for eradication because it has no animal host, is not resistant to antibiotics, and its long incubation period means that carriers can be treated before they become infectious. (Efforts to Eliminate Syphilis in the United States by 2005, NCHSTP News and Notes, Spring, 1999, p. 8.)
Tuberculosis was the leading cause of death in the U.S. 100 years ago, but by the 1970s the disease was all but eliminated. In the mid 1980s TB made a comeback, and from 1985 to 1992 it increased by 20 percent. Third World immigration has been the main source of the disease. Almost 2 billion people (one-third of the world’s population) are infected with TB, and the overwhelming majority live in the Third World. In 1997, 39 percent of new TB cases reported in the United States were among the foreign-born. The racial breakdown of cases in 1997 was: Blacks 33 percent (6,610 cases), whites 25 percent (4,872), Hispanics 21 percent (4,228), Asians 19 percent (3,833). All non-white groups have higher disease rates than whites, with Asians the most likely to have TB. They are 16 times more likely than whites to have the disease, blacks are eight times, and Hispanics are six times more likely. (World TB Day: An opportunity to Recommit to TB Elimination, Ibid., p. 4.)
Everywhere the Same
Rivarol is a scrappy French newspaper that has been sued more often under France’s repressive thought crime laws than any other. The following short article is an example of why it calls itself the “weekly of the national and European opposition.”
Rapper = Rapist
In the current period of complete sexual liberation, you have no doubt noticed that even the most prurient journalists are suddenly seized with the modesty of a virgin when the satyrs happen not to be Gauls [native Frenchmen]. Thus it was that the Journal du Dimanche of Feb. 14 disposed in exactly six lines of the horrible affair in Goussainville, where a couple returned to their burgled house and found the body of their 11-year-old girl — raped and then strangled — abandoned under a bed. Are we to attribute this reticence to the fact that the suspects are two Sri Lankans — and political refugees, no less?
And how was it that only Le Parisien, and only in its Seine-and-Marne [regional] edition, wrote of an incident that was nevertheless particularly, shall we say, colorful?
On the morning of Jan. 20, three masked men burst into a house in Lagny, and tied up the owners, a tradeswoman and her daughter. First they beat the women, then held them under water in the bathtub in an attempt to get them to say where the strong box was kept. Since the strong box existed only in the imaginations of these sadists, they took out their disappointment on the young woman, whom they raped repeatedly before the eyes of her helpless mother.
Two of these torturers were arrested on Feb. 12. Their leader is none other than Landry Mahoukou, known as Landry Doc Mahoukou, who stars in the Congolese rap group 2Bal. He recently participated in the collaborative album “Bisso na Bisso,” now constantly touted on M6 [commercial television] and of which specialists in rap predicted even before it went on sale that it would win a gold disk.
A particularly odious detail: It was the very day of the savage little jaunt in Lagny that Mahoukou began the promotion campaign for his disk, just before flying off to the Ivory Coast to shoot the promo clip now running on M6. At no moment in the clip does he appear to be affected in the slightest by the agonies he had just inflicted on the two unfortunate women. But after all, they were only babtou or white women, that is to say, nothing at all, as we learned in the case of another famous rapper, Joey Starr, who was charged with beating up an Air France stewardess. In English, “rap” is just one letter shy of “rape.”
We will be curious to see when M6 decides to banish the charming Doc Mahoukou from the screen or whether FNAC [a chain of large record and book stores] will dare to put the 2Bal CD on sale — a group whose name, the reader who sent us the clippings from Le Parisien suggests, might well be changed to 2Bullets . . . in the head. (Claude Lorne, Chronicles of Off-the-Shelf Thinking, Rivarol, Feb. 19, 1999, p. 7.)
Bills Coming Due
The bill for years of anti-white discrimination is finally coming due. In San Francisco, a university lecturer won a $2.75 million judgment because he was denied tenure and then had his teaching schedule cut because he is white. In 1996 Howard McNier applied for tenure at San Francisco State University business school only to be told by a black dean that “the university will not approve the hiring of another male Caucasian” (the dean denies saying this). Instead, the job went to Hailin Qu from China. The jury awarded Mr. McNier $2.75 million in damages for discrimination and another $2.2 million because of the university’s “retaliation” in cutting his schedule, but there had been a pretrial agreement between the two sides limiting the award to the higher of the two amounts. (Jonathan Curiel, White Lecturer Wins Bias Suit Against SFSU, San Francisco Chronicle, March 31, 1999.)
A woman has won a $708,000 award against the city of Wilmington, Delaware, which fired her because she is white. A federal jury ordered Wilmington mayor James Wills and city personnel director Wayne Crosse — both black — to pay equal portions of the award to Paula Manolakos but the city will indemnify them. The mayor’s big mistake was to lose his temper during a discussion with city officials about staff cuts, in which he roared that he wouldn’t lay off any more minorities and that whites were going to have to go. Mayor Wills now says this was anger, not “racism.”
The lawyer for the city told the jury that “to accuse Mayor Sills of racial discrimination flies in the face of everything he’s stood for,” and pointed out that the mayor was born in the segregated South — as if that somehow made him incapable of mistreating whites. (Jim DeSouza, White Woman Wins Racial Bias Case Against City, Delaware Law Weekly, March 23, 1999.)
The Beloved Country
It has been a bad month for anti-Apartheid heroes. Allan Boesak was once the darling of white liberals, circling the globe to drum up support for “the struggle.” Now the former preacher is getting six years in jail for stealing the money he raised. He reportedly pilfered $400,000, mostly from his Foundation for Peace and Justice, to which the singer Paul Simon and the Swedish government had contributed. (Anti-Apartheid Hero Boesak Gets 6 Years for Theft of Funds, Miami Herald, March 25, 1996, p. 19A.)
Mzwakhe Mbuli, known as “the people’s poet” for his doggerel about white rule, is also on his way to the pokey. He and two bodyguards have been convicted of robbing a Pretoria bank of 15,000 rand ($2,500), and will be sentenced April 22. Mr. Mbuli claimed he was framed by high officials in the ANC who were afraid he would denounce them. “I have no doubt that the people behind my arrest are politicians who are involved in the drug trade,” he says, though he will not name names. The magistrate, who got death threats for prosecuting the popular Mr. Mbuli, disbelieved the defendant.
Mr. Mbuli began his career in the early 1980s, when he started reciting poems at funerals. He made records, some of which were banned, and he also spent time in jail. He became famous, and was the chief praise-singer at Nelson Mandela’s 1994 inauguration. Mr. Mbuli has been held without bail since his arrest in late 1997, and has composed lines about his current life behind bars which, he says, is no better than it was under the white regime:
Is this a ‘New South Africa?’
Is this the ‘Rainbow Nation?’
My intelligence is beyond humiliation
My resilience is beyond malicious allegations
My spirit cannot be broken
I am vulgar-proof . . .
(Ron Sakolsky and Sheila Nopper, Apartheid Justice, Village Voice, Jan 6-12, 1999. Daniel Wakin, S. African Poet Fights Robbery Charge, AP, March 8, 1999. Donald McNeil, People’s Poet, Denying Crime, is Convicted in South Africa, NY Times, March 30, 1999, p. E1.)
Yet another symbol of the glory days has fallen on hard times. When it was run by whites, Fort Hare University in Eastern Cape Province was an excellent school for blacks. Nelson Mandela was a student, and says that blacks thought of it as “Oxford and Cambridge, Harvard and Yale, all rolled into one.” Now it is so corruptly and badly run it is on the verge of bankruptcy. A recent report says that staff hardly do any work and take sabbaticals at full pay for up to five years. Students can’t or won’t pay their fees, but phantom employees get paychecks.
The personal security for the registrar is “comparable to a head of state” — but maybe he needs it. In 1995 two profs were killed under mysterious circumstances and rumor has it that they knew too much about where the money was going. The vice-chancellor, Mbulelo Mzamane, is a celebrated writer who has lately been accused of plagiarism. Contrary to university rules, Fort Hare has been paying most of the bills of Mr. Mzamane’s daughter — who attends Boston University.
The school is millions of dollars overdrawn on its bank, and teachers recently went on strike because their checks were late. Some people believe the only solution is to shut the place down. (Anton La Guardia, Mandela’s University Faces Closure over £7m Debt, Daily Telegraph (London), March 15, 1999.)
Finally, a shooting that took place in April, 1998, has proceeded to sentencing. Nicholas Steyn, who farms near Johannesburg, fired warning shots at a group of blacks on his property and killed an infant who was being carried in the arms of her 11-year-old cousin. The death prompted demonstrations, denunciations, and even considerable coverage in the United States. In March, Mr. Steyn received a five-year suspended sentence and was put on probation. The light sentence set black spectators chanting “Kill the farmer! Kill the Boer!” advice that some blacks have recently taken to heart. A bit of evidence only recently reported in the United States is that Mr. Steyn aimed well away from the blacks and the bullet that killed the child ricocheted off a telephone pole. (Susan Fox, S. Africa Farmer Gets Probation, AP, March 23, 1999.)
Traditional Nigerian rainmakers are supposed to be able to keep storms away as well as whistle them up. In the Southwestern part of the country, a family hired a rainmaker to chase away a storm that was threatening a burial party. The magician climbed up on a roof and started appealing to Sango, the Yoruba god of thunder. He was immediately struck and killed by a bolt of lightning. (Lightning Kills Rainmaker, Telegraph (London), March 19, 1999.)
What Mitch Wrought
When Hurricane Mitch ripped through Central America last October it gave millions of people one more reason to want to come to the United States. The temptation became irresistible when the INS announced that as a “humanitarian measure” it would not expel illegals from the worst-hit countries. Because there is no more detention space, illegals from Honduras and Guatemala get a court date — which they can ignore — and are then turned loose on American soil.
The result has been a tidal wave of people from the south that has swamped Mexico’s ramshackle border patrol. Aggressive Central Americans have mobbed and beaten Mexican agents, who have almost no training and little equipment other than a green T-shirt. The invaders occasionally commandeer border-crossing freight trains and simply refuse to get off. They know the Mexican government has forbidden agents to shoot at illegals, and the agents don’t have guns anyway.
The United States has reportedly had secret discussions with Mexico about donating equipment, offering training, and even sending American agents to act as “advisors,” but neither government can openly acknowledge the talks. Mexico’s official position is that American efforts to guard its own border against Mexicans are misguided, so it can hardly appear to be taking advice or getting help from perfidious gringos.
Meanwhile, the Mexican agents cannot hold the line. They are embarrassed by newspaper stories about their failures, and in private some even call themselves “little dwarfs in green.” “Every time I come to work, I feel humiliated,” says a member of the border patrol — but it is the United States that will eventually suffer most from his humiliation. (S. Lynne Walker, Human Tide Swamping Mexican Agents, San Diego Union-Tribune, March 14, 1999.)
Texans Against Quotas
The Houston-based Campaign for a Colorblind America is leading an effort to end racial preferences in Texas. The group is behind a bill that would prohibit state and local governments from asking the race of job seekers or college applicants. A spokesman for the campaign says this will thwart affirmative action “since those making the decisions about admissions and hiring will not even know the race or ethnicity of the applicants.”
Democrats are united against the bill, and many Republicans are afraid to support it, since opponents of affirmative action in Texas face open hostility. When a bill to end preferences was introduced in the legislature a few years ago, black representative Ron Wilson implied that one of the sponsors was a Klansman, and physically attacked another representative who supported the bill. (Campaign for a Colorblind America, News Release, March 18, 1999.)
Since the U.S. military led the “restoration” of democracy in 1994, American taxpayers have spent $2.2 billion on Haiti. Things have only gotten worse. The per capita annual income is $225, down from $260 in 1994. Much-heralded economic and structural reforms, such as selling off state-owned industries and building new roads, have gone nowhere. The latest elections in April 1997 — widely viewed as fraudulent — drew only five percent of the electorate, and Haiti is again a dictatorship; President Rene Preval dissolved parliament in January.
Much of the country is living off foreign aid. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) feeds 500,000 school children every day. This does, however, keep some Haitians in Haiti. The number of north-bound “refugees” has dropped from 24,917 in 1994 to 1,206 in 1998, but the cost is high: Haiti gets 20 percent of all U.S. aid for Latin America and the Caribbean even though it has only two percent of the region’s population. Distributing aid is complicated because the government cannot be trusted, and 90 percent of the money goes through private organizations. The World Bank will no longer deal with Haiti because loans for infrastructure disappear into private pockets.
Congressmen have started wondering why we should spend money on a pest-hole that has no economic or military value. Rep. Porter Goss (R-Fla.) who chairs the House Intelligence Committee says “we’ve been ripped off in Haiti and I don’t see why we should put any more money into it. There’s so much corruption that the only way to make sure aid gets to the people is to fly down there yourself with some food, hand it to a Haitian, and watch him eat it in your presence.” If things fall apart any more, virtually all eight million Haitians are potential boat people. (Shelly Emling, Billions of U.S. Dollars Later, Haiti No Better Off, Washington Times, March 23, 1999, p. A16.)
A reader reports that when his wife taught at a virtually all-black Georgia public school in 1990, the children recited the following two pledges before class every day:
African American Pledge:
I am a proud African American Child.
I came from great people who expect great things.
I want to be a good thinker and a great leader.
I love my hair and skin and myself from deep within.
I love my sister and my brother because we both must struggle.
I promise to be the best I can in all I do.
Black Heritage Pledge:
I pledge my respect to the flag of the Black Americans and to the people it represents. I shall remain aware of the color red, being ever mindful that it represents the blood shed by our forefathers. The color black gives me pride and identity. I shall always remain true to the American ideal that all men are created equal.
Congress v. C of CC
Nearly 150 members of Congress have sponsored a House Resolution (HR-35) denouncing the Council of Conservative Citizens (C of CC). This is a grass-roots conservative organization, which AR editor Jared Taylor serves as a member of its board of directors. The resolution has not been voted out of committee but could come up for a vote any time after Congress reconvenes in mid-April.
The text of the resolution says that the C of CC “provides access to, and opportunities for the promotion of, extremist neo-Nazi ideology and propaganda that incite hate crimes and violence . . .” It is supported mainly by black and Democratic house members, but there are a few Republicans sponsors. At a March 18 press conference held at the Capitol, the resolution’s original co-sponsors Robert Wexler (D-Fla.) and James Clyburn (D-Ga.) denounced the C of CC and read passages from its publications and web site. “Conservative” columnist Arianna Huffington also spoke, urging Republicans to show good faith toward minorities by supporting the resolution. A number of Washington-area C of CC members attended the conference and caught the congressmen by surprise with their pointed questions.
Republicans are uncomfortable with the resolution because some of them — most notably Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and Rep. Bob Barr (R-Ga.) — have spoken at council meetings. J.C. Watts, the only black Republican in Congress, tried to derail the resolution by introducing one that condemned all groups that promote “bigotry and racism” but that did not mention the C of CC. It failed to get the two-thirds majority that the rules prevailing at that time required for passage. The floor debate presented the unusual spectacle of Democrats voting against a condemnation of “racism.” They wanted the C of CC’s scalp or nothing. As John Conyers (D-Mich.) explained, “This [alternative] bill is a cheap ruse that is totally characteristic of Republicans who want civil rights on the cheap.”
The C of CC is fighting the resolution. Gordon Baum, CEO of the council, has appeared frequently on radio and television to defend the organization. Jared Taylor and Samuel Francis, who is also a board member, have challenged Reps. Wexler and Clyburn to a public debate on the resolution. Mr. Wexler’s office indicates that the two will reply formally to the challenge when Congress reconvenes. (Mary Jacoby, Lawmaker Grabs Spotlight to Attack Racist Fringe, St. Petersburg Times, March 19, 1999. Jim Abrams, Resolution Condemning Bigotry Divides House, CNN.com, March 23, 1999.)
Texaco Goes Loco
A California-based investment manager and advisor with clients who own stock in Texaco was disturbed by a company press releases claiming that 69 percent of the people Texaco hired in 1998 were non-whites and women. He thought that such openly quota-minded employment policies would jeopardize his clients’ investments.
He telephoned Texaco, and the company’s vice president for investor relations Elizabeth Smith confirmed the figure. She also reportedly told him that “white males are only hired by default,” and went on to call him “a racist and a bigot.” The astonished investment manager told this to a reporter, who also telephoned Texaco. She said she called him “a racist and a chauvinist, not a bigot,” and that she felt threatened by his tone and comments, which she called “totally disgusting.” She denied saying that white men were hired only by default but confirmed that the company had set aside $1 billion to spend on women- and minorities-owned businesses from 1997 to 2001.
A Texaco PR lady added that the company “is proud of our diversity programs, and we feel it is very important and good business.” (Jon E. Dougherty, White Males Need Not Apply at Texaco, WorldNetDaily.com, March 31, 1999.)