American Renaissance, November 1990
The Houston Business Council is an advocacy group for companies owned by Hispanics, blacks, Asians, Indians, and women. It holds meetings to try to persuade them to do business with each other rather than with companies owned by white males. It circulates a directory of members, and has a newsletter to announce additions to the group.
Nevertheless, its members are not finding it easy to unite against the white man, since they would rather do business with people of their own race. Typical is Carmen Orta, a Hispanic who owns a company called American Technologies. “Whenever I’m doing business,” she says, “I’m going to pick up the directory of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce [first].”
U.S. Aid for the ANC?
Prominent names in the black establishment — Benjamin Hooks, Coretta King, Jesse Jackson — have announced that they will lobby the State Department to give money to the African National Congress of South Africa. A spokesman for the group says that since America gave money to the Nicaraguan Contras, it would be only “consistent” to give money to black “pro-democracy” forces as well. He didn’t add that in spite of everything that has happened in Eastern Europe, the ANC is still openly communist, or that the white government it is trying to overthrow is one of perhaps three democratic governments on the entire African continent.
Any black government that succeeded the white regime would have a good chance of being a tribal tyranny that would drive Africa’s one successful economy onto the rocks. The current fighting between supporters of the ANC and those of Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi — fighting that has largely followed tribal lines — does not auger well for black rule. If American blacks were interested in democracy, they might take an interest in Zaire, Ethiopia, Uganda, Liberia, or any number of murderous black dictatorships. Their interest appears not to be democracy but black power.
Whether or not the American government decides to support the ANC directly, it is supporting it indirectly. Contributions to the organization are tax deductible.
Some months ago it was reported that Claremont College in California was given a court order to pay a million dollars to a black professor who was denied tenure. The professor claimed that while he was in an adjoining room, he overheard “racist” deliberations by the tenure committee.
Other California colleges have official policies of racial discrimination, but they have not been brought to court. This is because they discriminate against white people. John Bunzel, a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution, has collected a few examples of this kind of discrimination. In November, 1984, the provost of San Francisco State University gave written approval to the English department’s request for two faculty slots “with the stipulation that the candidates recommended to me be non-white.” A teacher who has served on a hiring committee at the same university reports that the chairman of the department instructed the committee “to save time and energy by not examining any applications from white males.”
Last winter, Stanford University told a white with a PhD that the university’s new course in Culture, Issues, and Values would be hiring only racial minorities. At California State University at San Bernardino, the faculty administrator told a white who had been teaching for eight years that he would not be considered for tenure because he would not help meet affirmative action goals.
Although racial double standards of this kind are well entrenched in this country, more and more whites are beginning to notice and complain about them.
Walter Fauntroy Promotes Tax-Dodging
Walter Fauntroy, the non-voting congressional delegate from the District of Columbia, is urging D.C. residents to withhold their federal tax payments until the United States Constitution is amended to make D.C. a state. This is curious on at least two counts. First, elected officials do not usually encourage their constituents to break the law. Second, the residents of the District of Columbia receive, per capita, far more federal funds than the residents of any state. Mr. Fauntroy is urging the greatest beneficiaries of the federal system to stop contributing to it. Mr. Fauntroy is black, as are 70 percent of the people he represents.
The Royal Canadian Mounted Police — the “Mounties” — have always worn red uniforms and broad-brimmed hats. That is, they did until this year, when the Canadian Solicitor General, Pierre Cadieux, ruled that Sikh recruits could wear their traditional turbans instead of the hat. Mr. Cadiuex said that his decision, which did not go down well with all Canadians, reflects Canada’s strong commitment to multiculturalism. Canadian prime minister Brian Mulroney said that anyone who opposed the new rules was a racist and as bad as the Ku Klux Klan.
In the mean time the Toronto School board has decided that Sikh children should be allowed to wear their kirpans or ceremonial daggers to school because to forbid them would be a violation of religious freedom. Kirpans must be worn under clothing and be no more than seven inches long. The Toronto police argued against the new rule, saying that the kirpan is a weapon and should not be allowed in schools.
Last August the United States signed an agreement with Vietnam that opens our borders to former Vietnamese political prisoners. They started coming in January of this year and 7,000 are expected to have come by this fall. The agreement should eventually cover tens of thousands more, most of whom will probably settle in the large Vietnamese communities in California. Many of these men have been in prison since the Vietnam war ended in 1975. They suffer from mental and other diseases they got in prison, and few speak English. They are likely to be a heavy burden on the communities that accept them. Nevertheless, they are probably no more likely to become public charges than the Vietnamese refugees who have preceded them. A federal study done in the fall of 1989 found that 80 percent of all Vietnamese refugees who came to California in the previous two years were still on welfare. (San Jose Mercury News, 3/18/90)
Suing the Census
Even before the 1990 census began, the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF) set up a litigation team to sue the Census Bureau because of inaccurate results. No matter how many Hispanics the census eventually reports, MALDEF will sue to have the number adjusted upwards. It will claim that even if the Census Bureau did its best to find them all, it will have undercounted Hispanics — particularly illegal immigrants.
Although the Census Bureau swore to keep data on individuals confidential, illegals are loath to tell a government agent just how many sisters and uncles live at a given address. In order to reassure them, the Census Bureau spent a good chunk of its $80 million publicity budget on Spanish-language radio and TV ads, and hired Hispanic activists to get the word out that census data wouldn’t be passed on to immigration officials. Hispanic organizations say the Bureau should have spent millions more.
Why the big push? Numbers are power. Census data are used to draw up congressional and other voting districts. Even if illegals don’t have the right to be in this country, and even if they can’t vote, they will be counted just like citizens, and voting districts will be redrawn accordingly. This means that a largely Hispanic district, whose numbers are bloated with illegals, will get more federal and local representatives who can be controlled by the smaller number of Hispanics who are citizens and can vote. More Hispanics who can’t vote translate into more power for the ones who can.
Another reason for wanting bigger numbers is that they can be used for “affirmative action” demands such as the following: “The census data says that 45 percent of the adults in this district are Hispanic, but only 15 percent of the police officers (or school teachers or firemen or bank tellers) are Hispanic.” Amid the charges of discrimination, no one will remember that the census data includes illegals who don’t have rights to those jobs in the first place.
After several years of stability and even decline, widespread use of crack cocaine has led to an explosion in the number of cases of venereal disease. Non-whites, who are the heaviest users of crack, are suffering the most. Dr. Don Williamson, a communicable diseases official for the state of Alabama, says he expects that by the end of the year the state will have 44 non-white venereal disease patients for every white patient.
Dr. Williams puts the blame squarely on crack cocaine and the willingness of women to trade sex for drugs. “It’s not at all unusual,” he says, “for somebody to come in for treatment who can’t even remember how many people he or she has had sex with in a week’s time. And if they can remember, they don’t know their names.” This level of promiscuity makes it virtually impossible to fight the disease through contact tracing. (Columbus Ledger Enquirer, 7/19/90)
The state of Massachusetts has found a similar upsurge in venereal disease, with great disparities in infection rates between the races. Black men are an astonishing 102 times more likely to have gonorrhea than white men, and Hispanic women are 104 times more likely than white women to have syphilis. Here, too, crack cocaine and attendant promiscuity are blamed for the increases. (Boston Globe, 4/11/90)
High rates of venereal disease are associated with increased chances of getting AIDS, since it is thought that the virus enters the body through bleeding venereal sores. Last year, black men were about three times as likely as white men to die from AIDS, and black women were about nine times more likely to die from the disease than white women. Those disproportions are expected to increase in the 1990s.
According to the FBI, Chinese gangs known as Triads have pushed the Mafia aside and are now the prime suppliers of heroin to the black community. It is likely that during the 1990s the number of Triad operatives in the United States will grow to double the numbers that the Mafia reached at its peak during the early 1960s.
The Triads are mainly based in Hong Kong, but are not expected to stay there after 1997 when the colony is turned over to China. Since China is ruthless about rooting out organized crime, Triad bosses are planning to move their operations overseas. The United States, with its liberal immigration policies and broad criminal rights laws, is an attractive destination.
Police report that Triads are very difficult to penetrate, and have codes of silence, revenge, and loyalty that make the Mafia look like boy scouts. The FBI and DEA have a few Chinese agents, but have had virtually no success in infiltrating the gangs.
Since 1981, Hispanic college students — like black students — can choose to attend a university that restricts admissions to students of their own race. National Hispanic University (NHU) recently announced plans to move from Oakland to San Jose (CA), where it hopes eventually to build a campus for 5,000 students.
Virtually every mostly-white university in the country now has minority counseling, minority orientation, minority mentors, and deans for minority affairs. Most Universities in the South West have such programs specifically for Hispanics. This is not enough for the supporters of NHU, who look to their school for “cultural and educational support systems designed to build self-confidence and provide role models.”
Educating the Freshmen
New York State University at Albany requires all its incoming freshmen to read a book or two over the summer before they arrive on campus. This year it assigned the text of a play, Brothers and Keepers, about two brothers growing up in the black ghetto of Pittsburgh. John Wideman, the play’s black author, was to address the freshmen in what was billed as the highlight of freshman orientation. The 2,150 new collegians were to be split into groups of 20 to discuss the implications of race and racism.
Last year, freshmen were required to read a book about homeless families by the socialist writer Jonathan Kozol, and a volume of short stories by Nadine Gordimer about the plight of South African blacks. Before that, freshmen read Beloved, by the black activist novelist, Toni Morrison. The books are chosen for their “cultural diversity” and to prepare students for America in the 21st century, explains the dean of undergraduate studies, Sung Bok Kim.
Firefighters to the Supreme Court
In June, 1988, U.S. District Judge Marilyn Patel ordered the San Francisco fire department to promote eleven blacks, eight Hispanics, and eight Asians to the rank of lieutenant, and gave the department 60 days to do it. She ruled that as many as 48 more firemen could be promoted, so long as at least 25 percent of them were minorities.
The San Francisco fire department has always made promotions on the basis of a written test, with promotions going to the people with the top scores regardless of race. With Judge Patel’s ruling hanging over their heads, the city used what it concedes was a highly unusual procedure to promote the minorities: it passed over many high-scoring whites and picked minorities that were as low as number 200 on the list. White firemen promptly went to court.
Promotion to Lieutenant is no ceremonial matter. Officers in a fire department must make crucial decisions about how their men will fight a dangerous fire, and mistakes can be very costly. Promotion by race rather than qualifications was therefore not only unfair but dangerous.
The U.S. Court of Appeals recently disagreed. It said that race-based hiring and promotions put the department on course towards the legitimate racial goal of having a 40 percent-minority force. White firefighters have appealed again, this time to the highest court. “We want to resolve once and for all before the Supreme Court whether quotas are legal,” said James Ferguson, president of the local firefighters union.
Judging the Teachers
Many Americans are worried about the education of their children. In international competitions, American students are regularly put to shame by students from Japan, Europe, and even Korea or Taiwan. It has therefore become increasingly common to make teachers take competence tests — despite frantic opposition from teachers’ unions.
Minorities invariably score worse than whites. In the California teachers’ examination in 1983, for example, 76 percent of the white teachers passed, but only 26 percent of the black teachers did. In a Florida exam the same year, 90 percent of whites and but only 35 percent of blacks passed. Disparities of this size are a consequence of bowing to pressure to put minority faces in class rooms, even if it means lowering standards.
Though no one has ever demonstrated that minority students are incapable of learning from white teachers, it is now dogma that schools must be filled with racial “role models.” Teaching ability is less important than race. A federal judge has just ruled that 41 minority candidates who failed a city of Buffalo (NY) teaching test must be given jobs anyway. Judge John Curtin overruled the Board of Education’s decision to reject the candidates, saying that, “the board’s action, if left unchecked, would have a severe impact on the overall integration plan.” The 41 candidates will start work during the 1990/91 school year.
It would be hard to find a more self-defeating policy than that of Judge Curtin. The city of Buffalo gets unqualified teachers. Non-whites get jobs because they are not white. Whites are denied jobs because they are white. And American children will keep on losing to the Japanese, Europeans, and Koreans. The Mexicans and the Malaysians are already nipping at our heels.
Third World Moving to Manhattan
In March of this year, 84 people died at the Happy Land social club in the second worst fire in the history of New York City. The number of deaths was so high because Happy Land, like most other Hispanic social clubs, ignored building code and fire regulations. Most of the dead were recent immigrants from Central America, many of them illegal.
In the months since the tragedy, Mayor David Dinkins of New York has stepped up enforcement of fire regulations, with the result that hundreds of Hispanic social clubs have been closed. Despite or perhaps because Mayor Dinkins and much of his administration is black, Hispanics are claiming that the enforcement campaign is a racist attempt to shut down the only places where they can relax and socialize with their own people.
The outcry has been so great and the reported need for all-Hispanic clubs so desperate that the Dinkins administration is reportedly bowing to pressure and considering relaxing fire and safety regulations for the clubs. People from the underdeveloped world bring their standards with them.