Guillaume Faye, The Colonization of Europe, Arktos, 2016, 400 pp., $30.40 (softcover)
The Colonization of Europe was written 16 years ago by a Frenchman about a continent 3,500 miles away from ours, and yet the racial crisis it describes is virtually identical to our own. Even more eerily–and what makes this book so valuable–its analysis of the lickspittle mentality of European whites is a near perfect diagnosis of America’s rulers. Despite distance, language and cultural barriers, and even a long history of Franco-American antagonism, the same psychological disease rages on both sides of the Atlantic. All Western nations have the same disease. This is deeply sobering, but our similarities are so great that if even just one government pulls back from the brink, it could be a model for the rest.
The author of The Colonization of Europe is the prolific and talented Guillaume Faye, who wrote Convergence of Catastrophes, Why We Fight, and Archeofuturism, all offered to English-speaking readers by the increasingly indispensable Arktos. He has also spoken at two American Renaissance conferences, where he electrified audiences with his passionate defense of the West. He is one of the great spokesman for our people.
“Europe,” Mr. Faye writes, “is undergoing a demographic and ethno-cultural tragedy.” With France in the lead, it is allowing itself to be colonized by aliens, often the very people Europeans colonized in the 19th century. This time, however, it is “colonization from below” by floods of non-whites who, through force of numbers, are conquering a continent their own nations could never hope to dominate by force.
Mr. Faye cites two causes. One is the expansionist nature of Islam, which, since it crossed the Straits of Gibraltar in 711 AD, has always coveted Europe. But far more dangerous is the catastrophic loss of will by Europeans, who act as if they believe in “the natural right of all human beings to settle in Western Europe.” As Mr. Faye writes, “Throughout the Third World, we are spreading the word: ‘Europeans do not defend themselves. They pity us and would never dare evict us.’ ”
Promoting colonization is the new European religion: Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and even Communists all cooperate in welcoming Muslims who hate them. Socialists and Greens like immigration because they think Arabs and Africans will vote for the Left–and many do–but Mr. Faye calls this a short-term, suicidal strategy because immigrants will surely start their own Muslim-ethnic political parties and spurn the Left.
Politicians are also united: “The soft Right allows our colonization to take place through its own laziness, its weariness, and out of fear of being accused of inhumanity, while the insane Left encourages settlement through political miscalculation and ideological passion.” Except for a few dissidents, Europeans are drunk on Kool-Aid: “Just like in the Coca-Cola formula, it is difficult to determine the proportion of imbecility, hallucinated altruism, anti-racist snobbery, ethnomasochism, and political (mis)calculation that is in this cocktail.”
Every public figure in France today, writes Mr. Faye, would agree that “racism is personally what he hates most and is the ultimate sin against the human spirit.” To dissent on race or immigration “is to risk ostracism, professional banishment, and moral or criminal conviction.”
The result is incoherence. The French government officially takes no notice of race or religion, because Frenchmen are defined only by “republican values.” Therefore, there is no official count of non-whites and Muslims. However, everyone knows that they clump together in what are euphemistically known as “sensitive” areas where even the police often fear to go. The government is therefore careful to send in only non-white mail carriers, school teachers, and census takers because whites would be attacked. Mr. Faye laughs at this sensitivity to a reality that officially does not exist–a “beautiful contradiction,” he calls it.
Anyone who wants better data on race is suspect. Mr. Faye cites the case of lefty demographer Michèle Tribalat who wanted to know the number of non-whites so she could calculate their underrepresentation in elite jobs. She was accused of being part of the “extreme right.” Mr. Faye calls this preference for ignorance “breaking the thermometer;” the patient is near death but refuses to hear the diagnosis.
Of course, everyone knows the truth anyway. That is why television is a “scrupulously inverse depiction of reality,” full of Arab social workers who counsel wayward French youth, and mixed-race couples living storybook lives. France has trumpeted the news that race has been discovered to be a myth–Mr. Faye calls this “the psychotic denial of racial facts”–but everyone is certain that “racism” exists, and insists that the imaginary races mix as much as possible. Magazines run photo spreads of blacks and whites embracing each other and always include a picture of “the Frenchwoman of the future”–a beautiful, computer-concocted hybrid.
Mr. Faye notes that the media have it both ways. They publish success stories about high-flying young Tunisians and Senegalese, next to stories about victims of “exclusion.” For every TV special about perfectly assimilated Algerians there is another about impenetrable barriers to integration.
Mr. Faye explains that a Frenchman who commits a crime is always named, but immigrants often are not. Politicians run to the gravesides of African thugs killed by the police but ignore Frenchwomen raped and murdered by Africans, and anyone who speaks out against gratuitous anti-French violence is a “racist.” Large non-white families are charming, but any white woman with more than three children is a broodmare too stupid to have a career. There are tens of thousands of polygamous Muslims in France getting welfare for vast families, but bigamy is a crime for the French.
France is no longer capable of deporting illegal immigrants. “Collectives and support communities are formed,” writes Mr. Faye, “as soon as the authorities threaten to expel an immigrant who was wise enough to publicize his case.” At the first mention of a hunger strike, “priests and Trotskyites” rush about, the government capitulates, and the media cheer. A homeless Frenchman who went on a hunger strike because he lost his job to immigrants would be the butt of jokes.
The angrier non-whites get, the more it proves they have been wronged. The state therefore spends billions on social and jobs programs, and forces employers to practice “positive discrimination.” At one time, the government even sent “disaffected youth” on beach vacations and ski trips, convinced this would turn them into Frenchmen.
One appeasement scheme was called “rehabilitation through sport;” delinquents were to be salvaged through therapeutic soccer games. Mr. Faye writes that the program fell apart when the teams ended up fighting each other.
Mr. Faye writes that all this coddling is:
Highly reminiscent of a scene from the movie Mars Attacks!, . . . where Americans try to pacify Martian attackers by releasing a dove, . . . believing the Martians would somehow be moved by this gesture. The latter respond with a laser gun and the dove falls to the feet of protesters gathered nearby, looking like a grilled chicken.
No matter how badly immigrants behave, the cause is always bad policies. France must fight “violence,” “poverty,” “alienation,” as if they were living forces that attack non-whites. But the most stubborn enemy is “racism,” which is everywhere. Mr. Faye notes that the media scream that “racism” keeps all but a tiny number of non-whites out of France’s top schools but forget to explain that admission is based strictly on test scores.
“[O]ne foolishly imagines that if integration does not work,” writes Mr. Faye, “it is not because the people concerned are impossible to integrate, but ‘because we are not trying hard enough.’ ” Since a massive effort to promote integration failed–Mr. Faye calls it “a colossus that gave birth to an ant”–the favored solution is now “communitarianism.”
It was unfair to ask Arabs and Africans to become French, even though that worked for Spanish, Italian, and Portuguese immigrants. Instead, non-whites and Muslims are encouraged to build parallel communities. According to this “bastard apartheid logic,” as Mr. Faye calls it, “they get to keep their culture and simultaneously become French!” Immigrants can now nourish their roots and say, “I feel I’m French but also feel I am fully Algerian.” Mr. Faye asks: “But why do they not cultivate those roots in their homelands? Why do they choose to grow them here?”
Needless to say, Muslims see “communitarianism” as France’s recognition of their autonomy. It only whets their appetite for conquest.
Crime and conquest
There are no official statistics, but everyone knows immigrants commit a huge number of crimes. Mr. Faye quotes a young Arab girl who was finally locked up for repeated thievery: “I stole things, just like everyone else. I did not deserve four months in prison.”
Mr. Faye proposes a partial, sociological explanation: Third-World countries are communal, while Europe is individualistic. Europeans believe in personal responsibility and self-restraint, concepts that are “impossible to apply to peoples from the other side of the planet.” Why, then, do Arabs and Africans who were born in France, educated in French schools, and best know France commit far more crime than first-generation immigrants?
Mr. Faye writes that unlike their parents or grandparents who admired France from afar, the French-born have seen white cowardice all their lives. From grade-school on, they frighten their teachers. On trains and subways, they see gangs of immigrant fare-beaters go unpunished, while the authorities arrest whites. They see their elder brothers celebrate New Years Eve by burning thousands of cars–always in white neighborhoods–and see their own neighborhoods rewarded with sports facilities and social centers. They despise France.
That is why immigrant crime is not normal delinquency. Even the most disaffected whites do not attack firemen and the police, stone buses and squad cars, rampage through shopping centers, or drop cinder blocks from overpasses onto high-speed trains. This is an assault on the nation, incipient civil war. Arabs and blacks mug whites as much for the fun of humiliating the French as for the few Euros they can steal. Gang raping a white woman is the best way to follow the advice scrawled on walls in “sensitive” areas: “Fuck France.”
The French call these areas ghettos but Mr. Faye says that’s wrong. In the Middle Ages, Jews were forced into ghettos. “Sensitive zones” are, instead, “territories that have been conquered and colonized.” Arabs and Africans have deliberately carved them out for themselves, and to call them ghettos makes occupiers sound like victims. It is all part of what Mr. Faye calls a collective Stockholm Syndrome.
The French media underreport and camouflage immigrant crime, but when it is too widespread to ignore, they justify it as righteous anger at “exclusion.” None dares call it conquest, but just like Europeans in their colonial enclaves in Shanghai or Dakar, the new conquerors enjoy extraterritoriality. They have driven out the authorities and govern themselves.
Perhaps the worst strategy has been to try to dilute the most heavily non-white areas by enticing occupants into attractive subsidized housing in white areas. “This does nothing to reduce crime because the ‘ghetto’ is not its source,” writes Mr. Faye. “What causes it is the mentality of the people themselves.” The result is that whites are driven out, and the area under extraterritoriality only grows.
There is one aspect in which the colonization of Europe is different from that of North America: Islam. “The implicit aim of Islam is very simply the conquest of Europe,” writes Mr. Faye. “Islam is completely incompatible with the European spirit.” It is revenge for the Crusades and colonization. People who cannot see this are fools: “as if, by some miracle, the brand of Islam that is establishing itself in Europe could ever turn out to be profoundly different from the religion practiced in Muslim countries.”
Islam resorts to lies and trickery when it is weak and crushes the unbeliever when it is strong. Christians admire Islamic almsgiving practice of zakat, without understanding that it is only for fellow believers. Charity towards the unfaithful is worse than absurd; it is blasphemy. Muslims know that the open practice of other religions in forbidden in their own countries and are amazed at Europeans who permit open-air worship and the construction of giant mosques: “Allah is great. He brings madness on the enemy.”
Mr. Faye points out that it was colonial public health that unleashed breakneck population growth in North Africa and the Middle East–a true miracle for Islam. The second miracle is Europeans who permit the successors of Suleiman the Magnificent to finish his work of conquest without firing a shot.
Muslims are not yet entrenched in the political system because they despise secular politics, but Mr. Faye predicts there will be ethnic/Islamic parties. Just as the Communists did, they will play the multi-party game until they take power. “Demographic submersion will come first,” writes Mr. Faye, “followed by political subjugation.” Muslims will show no mercy to those who helped them. Mr. Faye writes that the idea of some benevolent form of Islam that is different from the bloodthirsty creed of the Koran is so stupid that only Europeans could imagine it.
Whites can still indulge in fantasy and excuse making for two reasons. First, media, political, and cultural elites are “completely immune to any contact with illegal immigrant populations and utterly protected from their criminality.” Some will continue to shout stupidities until their throats are slit. The other reason is that Europeans refuse to understand race. On a continent where even mentioning race is the first step towards a criminal prosecution, Guillaume Faye is a rare voice of courage and sanity. The deepest infrastructure of culture is biology, he writes: “One cannot decree a housing policy or any social measures to transform a fundamentally racial reality.”
What lies ahead for Europe? “Immigration is not a problem that we can calmly deal with but a war that is being waged against us,” he writes. “And wars can have only two outcomes: defeat or victory.” Neither outcome is certain. If Europe dies, this book is Mr. Faye’s testament: “There are some things that must be said for our future generations’ sake and for our posterity to know that at least some of us were indeed aware, and that our generation was not entirely composed of cowards and fools.” In the hope that Europe lives, Mr. Faye writes to “prepare European youths both mentally and ideologically to face the chaos that is likely to arise.”
There could be a solution without chaos: Deport all illegals and strip non-Europeans of citizenship and send them home. Forbid the public practice of Islam, and allow non-whites only as temporary guests. No European government has the stomach for this, so there can be no peaceful solution: “The point of no return will be reached, and votes and elections will be ineffective. There will be only two options: our historic disappearance or reconquista.”
There is no need for the majority to act. “Only active minorities matter,” writes Mr. Faye. “Masses simply follow those willful minorities.” At the same time, Europeans must overcome their individualism and recognize that “the duty to belong must prevail over the right to be different,” because as individuals they will be cut down.
Mr. Faye has no hope in politics: “No solution can be found unless a civil war breaks out.” An ethnic uprising combined with another sharp economic downturn would bring the crisis to a head. There is no time left for either politics or metapolics. Like Neitzsche, Mr. Faye aims to write philosophy with a hammer.
Only those who fight survive: “When . . . [men] no longer have the courage to shed the blood of their enemies, their own blood will cease to flow in their veins,” and if Europe is to fight, the sooner the better. Guillaume Faye concludes with these words: “Arise, oh desired storms.”