Posted on December 25, 2020

How Whites Stack Up

Thomas Jackson, American Renaissance, August 2007

Nicholas Stix, Editor, The State of White America — 2007, National Policy Institute, 2007, 107 pp.

The National Policy Institute (NPI) is a race-realist think tank established in 2005. It’s purpose and motto are taken from the US Constitution — “to form a more perfect union” for “ourselves and our posterity” — and its staff are well aware of how far from perfect the union is and how acute is the crisis our posterity face.

American Flag

NPI has issued studies on such subjects as the costs of diversity, the prospects for mass deportation, and the contemptible activities of the Southern Poverty Law Center, all of which are available for free download from its web site at It’s latest and most ambitious publication is called The State of White America — 2007, and is loosely based on an annual report issued by the National Urban League since 1976 called The State of Black America.

This is an admirable undertaking. Every other racial group in the United States keeps close tabs on how it is doing, and does not hesitate to promote its own interests. Most whites have a vague sense that things are going badly for their group, but have been trained not to think in racial terms. It was a brilliant idea to commission a study that would frame the question in terms of the legitimate interests of whites and quantify their deteriorating position, but the results are uneven.

Nicholas Stix, who wrote the cover story for the previous issue of AR, was the director of the project and principal author. He has clearly put great effort into gathering an enormous amount of material, but has blunted its effect by using language that will drive away whites who do not already have a strong racial consciousness. On only the second line of the introduction, he writes that the report is “a statistical and narrative portrait of the war on white America, and thus, on America herself.” It is possible to defend the view that white America is the real America, and that white America is besieged, but these ideas are so far beyond the grasp of most whites that if this report fell into their hands they would dismiss it as crank literature. Likewise, it is not useful to assert that “life in America is heading inexorably in a totalitarian direction” or that black and Hispanic leaders and educators “prevent minority children from learning English” and “encourage them to lead lives of crime.” Not even the converted will necessarily agree, and skeptics will roll their eyes.

This said, the first and longest chapter of the report, “A Statistical Review of the Condition of Whites in the United States,” is a model of sober reporting. Written by Edwin Rubenstein, who is probably best known for his analytical articles on, it covers a great deal of ground, beginning with the demographic decline of whites in the United States and around the world. Experts predict, for example, that whites, who were only 17 percent of the world population in 1997, will have slipped to a mere nine percent by 2010, and that by 2040 the absolute number of white Americans will begin to decline.

It has long been predicted that the rapid rise in numbers of non-whites will reduce whites to a minority by mid-century. Whites are already a minority in the District of Columbia and four states — Texas, California, Hawaii, New Mexico — and Mr. Rubenstein projects that by 2025 they will be a minority in five more: Florida, Maryland, Georgia, Arizona, and Nevada. This will make it increasingly difficult for whites to live in their preferred surroundings. Despite ritual praise for “diversity,” Mr. Rubenstein notes that the average white lives in a neighborhood that is 83 percent white.

Mr. Rubenstein gives considerable attention to Hispanics, who have recently established themselves as America’s largest minority. He points out that Mexicans have high birthrates of nearly three children per woman, but Puerto Ricans have fewer children than whites and, at 1.84 children per woman, are not reproducing themselves. Mexicans would have even more children were it not for abortion. Despite their reputation as devout Catholics, Hispanic women have abortions at about twice the white rate. Hispanics are also three times more likely than whites and 20 percent more likely than blacks to become teenage mothers.

Interestingly, Hispanics are not the most “linguistically isolated” group, defined as living in a household in which no adult speaks only English and no adult speaks it well. Twenty-nine percent of Asian households fit this description, while the figure for Hispanics is slightly lower, at 24 percent. The first table below, taken from the report, explains why: No fewer than 68.9 percent of Asians living in the United States are foreign born, compared to 40.2 percent for Hispanics.

Foreign Born Population by Race, 2000
Demographic Group Foreign Born (Millions) Percentage of Foreign Born Percentage of Group’s Total Population
White, non-Hispanic 7.0 22.5 3.5
Hispanic 14.2 45.7 40.2
Asian alone 6.9 22.2 68.9
Black alone 2.1 6.7 6.1
Total 31.1 100 11.1

Some of Mr. Rubenstein’s most interesting observations are about income. He notes that although whites continue to out-earn blacks and Hispanics, Asian men are, on average, the best paid group in the country (white men earn three percent less). Although the gap between rich and poor has grown for all racial groups, it has grown most rapidly for whites. Mr. Rubenstein points out that in 1983, the richest five percent of whites had an average annual income that was 14.6 times the average income of the poorest 20 percent. By 2003, the multiple had grown to 23.6 times, with the top five percent making an average of $272,772 compared to $11,556 for the bottom 20 percent. Although the poverty rate for whites, at 8.6 percent, is still about a third of the 24.7 percent for blacks, the white rate increased from 2000 to 2004 at close to twice the rate for blacks. Mr. Rubenstein suggests that the surge of low-paid Hispanics has pushed wages down for the least qualified workers, both black and white, but that the effect has been most dramatic for whites. If these trends continue, more will join blacks and Hispanics at the bottom of an increasingly stratified society.

Mr. Rubenstein offers some well known crime statistics — blacks are seven times more likely and Hispanics are three times more likely than whites to be in jail — and some more obscure: Black women are only 4.5 times more likely and Hispanic women 1.8 times more likely than white women to be in jail.

The educational lag for Hispanics is widely reported; they drop out of school at even higher rates than blacks, and those who remain in school perform at about the same level as blacks: the average 12th grader reads and does math about as well as the average white 8th grader. Hispanics are 16 times more likely than whites to have had only a 5th-grade education, while blacks are almost three times more likely. These deficiencies have absorbed a huge proportion of the growing federal education budget. Mr. Rubenstein notes that three quarters of federal money goes to the “disadvantaged” and handicapped. Only 0.02 percent — two cents out of every $100 — goes to gifted and talented programs.

Some of Mr. Rubenstein’s most interesting findings are outside the usual scope of statistical profiles. Eighteen- to 24-year olds are the age group least likely to vote, but there are clear racial differences even within this group. In recent elections 49.8 percent of young whites voted, compared to 47.1 percent for blacks, 34.2 percent for Asians, and only 33 percent for Hispanics.

Voting Rates by Race/Ethnicity and Place of Birth, 2004
Race/Ethnicity Native-Born Citizens Naturalized Citizens
All 64.5% 53.7%
Non-Hispanic white 67.3% 61.8%
Black alone 60.4% 54.4%
Hispanic 45.5% 52.1%
Asian alone 40.5% 46.4%

The table above shows quite interesting racial differences in voting behavior according to whether a voter is native born or naturalized. Naturalized blacks and whites vote less often than native-born blacks and whites, but naturalized Hispanics and Asians vote more often than native-born Hispanics and Asians. At least in their case, the fact of having deliberately chosen to become a citizen seems to stimulate greater interest in politics. Although Hispanics and Asians in general have lower voter participation rates than blacks and whites, there is a good chance those rates will rise as Hispanics and Asians become better entrenched politically. Blacks already have many black candidates to vote for; Asians and Hispanics will vote more often if there are more Asian and Hispanic candidates. Elections will increasingly become racial headcounts.

Mr. Rubenstein’s chapter ends with some interesting poll data. Blacks and Hispanics are considerably more likely than whites to attend church, and to say religion is important to them. They also have different views of government: Although only 35 percent of whites say they would prefer to pay higher taxes and get more government services, the figures for blacks and Hispanics are 43 percent and 60 percent. At the same time, when asked to agree or disagree with the statement “It doesn’t do any good to plan for the future because you don’t have any control over it,” only 15 percent of whites agree, but no less than 33 percent of blacks and 42 percent of Hispanics agree. America will certainly be a different place if backs and Hispanics retain their passivity and approval of big government as their numbers grow.

Mr. Stix has contributed a chapter on education that has probably gathered together the most complete list of recent school-based racial outrages to be found anywhere. He begins with a very thorough account of the 2006 performances at the middle and high schools in Peekskill, New York, of the black, 11-year-old “poet” Autumn Ashante. Miss Ashante was so openly anti-white that even the somnolent majority was stirred to anger, and the schools were forced to apologize. What Mr. Stix emphasizes, however, is how strongly black elected officials and other authority figures supported the young “poet.” Most whites prefer not to face the evidence of just how deeply anti-white animus can run, even among successful, middle-class blacks.

Most disturbing in this chapter, however, are the examples Mr. Stix gives of the horrors white students and teachers have faced in majority-black and black-run schools. Black administrators simply look the other way when whites — even teachers — are insulted, harassed, and beaten up. Some whites have gone to court and won cash settlements, but most simply run away. These accounts are a deeply worrying sign of what whites can look forward to as their country falls further into the hands of non-whites.

Mr. Stix also covers more familiar ground: the rantings of Leonard Jeffries and Francis Cress Welsing, the irredentism of bilingual education, and the loony, blacks-invented-everything theories that Afro-centrists teach their students. There is much good material here, but it would be more effective if Mr. Stix were less polemical. It is not convincing to write without explanation about “the socialist mainstream media” or “black supremacist Medgar Evers College.”

Mr. Stix ends the chapter with a good summary of the Duke lacrosse team rape hoax, but this case has been so well covered elsewhere that it does not have the same impact as the less well known cases Mr. Stix has so diligently uncovered.

The State of White America includes a chapter on job discrimination against whites. This, and racial preferences in college admissions is a very rich field, but this is the weakest chapter. Despite extravagant praise for the author, the Australia-based R. J. Stove — Mr. Stix calls him “one of the most brilliant and elegant writers presently working in the English language” — there is little here besides a denunciation of job out-sourcing.

The concluding chapter on crime, again written by Mr. Stix, is much better. He gives full credit to and cites liberally from the New Century Foundation report, The Color of Crime, but casts his net considerably wider. He notes some of the absurdities racial orthodoxy forces on police today. In Los Angeles, for example, officers cannot arrest members of the violent MS-13 gang unless they commit a crime for which they have a good chance of being convicted. Although most are known to be in the country illegally, they cannot simply be deported because this would upset Hispanics. Likewise, although there is strong pressure on police to crack down on street crime, politicians tie officers’ hands by screaming about “racial profiling” and unacceptably high minority arrest rates.

Mr. Stix also has a good summary of gun control opponent John Lott’s work on black police officers. Prof. Lott has found, for example, that for every one percent increase in the number of black officers in a department, property crime goes up by four percent, and violent crime by 4.8 percent. This effect is especially pronounced in areas with large black populations. Increasing the ratio of black officers in Maine will result in more crime, but the effect is much greater in Washington, DC or Detroit. Prof. Lott has likewise found that police shootings also rise with the number of black officers.

New Orleans is perhaps the best example of what happens in a largely-black city with a largely-black police force. The city spent years in a miasma of crime and police incompetence, which suddenly appeared to very public view after Hurricane Katrina. Two hundred-fifty officers simply left their posts after the hurricane, and another 250 turned out to be “ghosts” listed on the payroll simply to siphon off federal money. Although the media did their best to backtrack after initial reports of black, post-hurricane lawlessness, Mr. Stix points out that there was simply too much to be swept under the rug. He warns there will be no recovery for New Orleans unless it reinstitutes stiff hiring standards, and stomachs an inevitable increase of white officers. He notes that Atlanta — another majority-black city with a majority-black police force — is beginning to resemble New Orleans.

Clearly, The State of White America — 2007 represents a major research effort, and it is perhaps quibbling to suggest it should have covered more ground. However, in terms of what whites can look forward to as their numbers decline, there could have been a useful chapter on hospitals, for example. What happens when non-whites run them, as in the case of Martin Luther King-Drew Medical Center in Los Angeles? What happens when white-run hospitals are overrun with uninsured blacks and illegal immigrants? There have also been illuminating press reports on the shocking level of corruption that surfaces when municipal governments fall into the hands of blacks or Hispanics, and of how Mexican levels of crime and degeneracy are slowly seeping north along the southern border.

At the same time, non-whites are leaving their mark on the cultural landscape, as television, radio, museums, and even national parks and symphony orchestras rush to cater to them. Some cities now spend more money on Cinco de Mayo than Fourth of July, and even the White House celebrates Kwanzaa. In increasing numbers of school districts pork is never on the lunch menu for fear of provoking Muslims. In California, public sculpture must not celebrate white achievement, but must promote Indians and Mexicans. There are many ways in which the state of white America is in steep decline, and let us hope that future editions of this very promising report will cover more of them.

Let us also hope future editions will not shout about a “war on white America” but will let leaders draw their own conclusions. There is a great deal in this report that would surprise most whites, and it would be highly edifying for them to see the facts all together in one place. However, they will be suspicious of a report — no matter how factual or well-sourced — that proclaims its politics in harsh or unfamiliar terms. The state of white America is dire enough; the facts themselves speak more eloquently than any of us ever could.