Political Genius and Policy Disaster

Subscribe to future audio versions of AmRen articles here.

Credit Image: © Camara Porter/AdMedia via ZUMA Press Wire

New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani is the most effective politician in the country — a 21st century urban version of Huey Long. Every action he takes builds his political coalition. His policies on rent control are designed to transfer private ownership of buildings to his political allies. He uses taxpayer funds to pay influencers who spread his message. He has the city “organizing” workers into reliable clients who can be turned against his foes if necessary. Not surprisingly, he enjoys an approval rating of almost 70 percent in the city.

Policy analysts may complain about the negative consequences of such policies, but most voters won’t understand them. Rent control, for example, does not work, but those who benefit from it will fight fiercely to keep it, and those who can’t find cheaper housing will blame “the rich.” This is especially effective when the mayor organizes tenants to fight their landlords. The economic elites and institutions that make New York City their home can hardly relocate, so Mr. Mamdani will have plenty of rich people to milk. The political machine he is building could run forever.

Race, as well as class, justifies constant expansion of government power. “There is no economic justice without racial equity,” says Deputy Mayor Julie Su. The City’s new “Racial Equity Plan” aims to “identify and address the racial disparities embedded in government policies, practices, and institutions,” by coordinating efforts across 45 agencies. In practical terms, it builds political power and transfers resources to allies.

For example, among the long-term goals (called “North Stars”) are that the city “trains its employees and contractors on anti-racism principles to ensure its decisions do not sustain and grow historical inequities” and “breaks down (or disaggregates) data by race, ethnicity, and other identities to understand and act on unaddressed needs and historical inequities.” This justifies hiring professionals to do the training, analyze data, and find reasons for more government actions once new “inequities” are discovered.

It’s impossible to say whether Mr. Mamdani or others believe past discrimination causes “inequity.” However, race realists know that inequity is at least partially biological. There will never be “equity” because different groups will never perform equally. A plan that defines “equity” (equal results) as the goal can never succeed. This is precisely what makes it politically powerful; the mission is never fulfilled. The mayor can constantly identify new problems and always call for more money, more power, and redistribution of wealth.

The Plan has eight goals: (1) increase broadband adoption, (2) reduce unemployment for blacks, Hispanics, and Asians (whites go unmentioned), (3) build more cheap housing, (4) reduce “achievement gaps and racial disparities in literacy, numeracy, and social-emotional development for students,” (5) increase the number of “integrated NYC public schools,” (6) reduce racial disparities in transportation, (7) cut the jail population, of which blacks and Hispanics are “approximately 88% of the population in custody,” and (8) improve pregnancy-related health outcomes for blacks, with a special focus on black maternal mortality.

The first three goals are plausible, and goal six, transportation, may seem bizarre but is at least realistic if it means only better transport for certain neighborhoods. The other goals, however, are probably impossible. The country has been trying to reduce “achievement gaps” for decades, with little success. Cutting the jail population means releasing prisoners and locking up fewer criminals. There has been a dramatic decrease in enrollment in New York City schools, so it’s unclear why the system needs the bigger budget Mr. Mamdani proposes. Lowering black maternal mortality is innocent enough, but there is no reason to think the problem is racism or discrimination. Hispanics and Native Hawaiians have better maternal health than whites, and Japanese and Chinese have worse. Biological differences seem a better explanation.

One bright side for race realists is the report’s pledge to track progress “using available data by race, ethnicity, neighborhood, and/or other categories.” This should be fruitful raw material for real analysis. One wonders if such data will stop being made available if they lead to uncomfortable conclusions.

All of New York City’s history is portrayed as a tragedy since whites showed up.

New York’s history has been one of colonization, exploitation, and racial oppression. The land New York City stands on today once belonged to the Lenape people, who were forcibly displaced through settler colonialism. From the era of Dutch colonization to modern times, systemic racism has shaped the experiences of Black, Indigenous, Latino, Asian, Pacific Islander, Middle Eastern, and other communities of color. (22)

Despite this racism, non-whites flocked to New York to live with the evil whites. The report gives a sprawling history of New York and the various injustices inflicted on non-whites, culminating with Eric Garner and George Floyd: “The Black Lives Matter movement has galvanized a new generation of activists, who continue to demand not only the end of police violence, but also the dismantling of all forms of systemic racism that pervade every aspect of life in New York City.”

Much of the report just lists disparities. Because discrimination is the only possible cause, fighting discrimination is the only solution. There must be constant “collaboration” and “consultation” throughout city government, but the report includes a few numerical goals. For example, the report complains that black and Hispanic children are overrepresented in foster care. It wants to refer more than 30 percent of cases to “Collaborative Assessment, Response, Engagement and Support (CARES),” which keeps children with families. This gives jobs to more social workers, and helps non-whites get “needed services,” i.e., more welfare.

Services for old people must prioritize multiculturalism:

• More multi-cultural programming for various groups, including immigrants
• Language and cultural competence for caretakers
• Build more OACs [Older Adult Centers] in neighborhoods that are “underserved” to promote greater equity for “low income, ethnically diverse, immigrant and other groups with particular needs.”

The last goal has a political payoff. Money and government support flow to non-whites, thus building Mr. Mamdani’s political machine.

“Improving Access to Public Benefits” is also a key goal. Rather than get non-whites off welfare, the goal is to get more of them on it and make it easier to get it. The report brags that “process improvements, staff training, and technology investments increased the timeliness of SNAP applications to nearly 90 percent and Cash Assistance applications to 67 percent, reducing administrative barriers and improving client experience.”

In education, there will be “a deliberate focus on eliminating long-standing racial disparities that disproportionately impact Black and Brown scholars.” One long-term goal is to have “100% of students in grades 3-8 demonstrate English Language Arts (ELA) and math proficiency.” The first step is to “Integrate Black Studies, Latinidad in Schools, and Hidden Voices Resources into Literacy and Social Studies instruction.” The Plan will track results “disaggregated by race, gender identity, and ethnicity.” This should be enlightening.

However, even with education, there is a political strategy. Much of the plan refers to putting students in various “programs” that may or may not accomplish anything, but appear to do something, and give jobs to leftist allies.

Here are some numerical goals:

• Expand access to inclusive and specialized program options for Black students with disabilities . . . from approximately 76% in SY 2025–26 to 78% in SY 2026–27
• Increase the percentage of Black students with disabilities who have access to high-quality program options . . . by 8% in SY 2029-30
• By FY2027, increase the percentage of early childhood providers with fully registered contracts . . . from the baseline of 78% to 88%.

In other words, track progress by the number of black students in special programs that employ non-white leftists. There is a great deal of attention paid to Minority/Women-owned Business Enterprises (M/WBE) to make sure they get their fair share at every turn, all “disaggregated by race, ethnicity, and gender identity.” This is the approach throughout the plan. It will be interesting to see whose pockets will be lined.

Why are some groups rich and others poor? Slavery and racism. “The history of labor exploitation in the United States, including the enslavement of African people from whom trillions of dollars in unpaid labor were extracted, followed by Jim Crow laws that restricted Black workers to specific occupations, has created deep-rooted inequities in economic opportunity,” says the report.

The problems are still with us. Everywhere. Even in the notoriously racist and conservative entertainment industry, “systemic racism continues to shape both representation and opportunities.” Equity training in every agency, tracking M/WBE contractors, hiring “underserved” businesses, it all has one goal: funnel more money to non-whites.

Housing is a top priority. Incredibly, whites leaving the city was a problem: “‘White flight’ from inner cities and the expansion of segregated suburban developments also pushed government officials to take drastic steps to alter some of the city’s central neighborhoods deemed blighted through massive redevelopment projects, often displacing people of color from their homes.” “People of color” were herded into “small geographic areas, leading to significant disparities in the housing options and neighborhood amenities.”

City employees dealing with housing must learn about racist history: “Equip all agency staff . . . with an understanding of the discriminatory history of urban planning, its lasting impacts on New York City’s communities, and the agency’s role in advancing more equitable planning practices.” “This knowledge will be integrated into everyday decision-making, community engagement, and policy development.” Grants must be funneled into more deserving hands “by leveraging federal grant, city, and partner resources to increase opportunities for underserved low-income, primarily Black and Brown communities.”

Even historic preservation is a problem: “Early efforts, by organizations such as the Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association, focused on preserving sites tied to early American history and the Founding Fathers, a practice that neglected the history and contributions of underrecognized and marginalized communities to American history.” Now, every designation of a historic area must highlight racism by “including a history of past harms and racial injustices that were endured on the landmark or historic district site.”

There are always three steps. First, get data to justify redistributing wealth and power, drawing on the city’s “racist” history. Second, put ideologically trained employees in charge of getting as many favored businesses or residents as possible enrolled in certain programs. This builds a reliable client base. Third, set goals for increasing “equity,” but leave these ill-defined, or not spelled out at all. Even in education, there is nothing more than a mention that one day everyone will pass the tests. It’s all about “underserved communities” getting more of everything. Clearly, “equity” will never be achieved; it’s a never-ending “journey.”

This builds permanent political power. Mr. Mamdani understands that politics is about patrons and clients. The Racial Equity Plan lays out a comprehensive strategy for enrolling a vast network of clients, including both those receiving handouts and the people who dish them out. Many of those who read the report will roll their eyes at its “woke” history and vague idea of how “equity” is defined. They are missing the point. The Racial Equity Plan is not a guide for policy but for building a political machine. If white advocates are serious about politics, we should start thinking about what a program designed for our people and our interests should look like.