The Transformation of Germany
Thorsten J. Pattberg, American Renaissance, February 5, 2021
(Credit Image: © Wolfgang Kumm/DPA via ZUMA Press)
“The people are everyone who lives in this country.” — Chancellor Angela Merkel, February 2017
“We’ve been arguing for too long whether our country is a country of immigration. The fact is that immigration is taking place because we’ve asked people time and again to come. . . . And yet, simply recognizing that we are a country of immigration is not enough. Action has to be taken by the state, which has the responsibility to organize society so that we can live together.” — President Frank-Walter Steinmeier, August 2018
In 2015, 2.1 million immigrants came to Germany, most of them young men from Syria, Kosovo, Albania, Afghanistan, Iraq, and North Africa. According to official sources, by July 2020, the Federal Republic of Germany had 11.23 million foreign-passport holders: 12.5 percent of its population. In addition, according to Statista, more than 11 million German passport holders have a foreign background. That means the number of foreigners is now 21.58 million, or 26 percent of the population. It took barely 20,000 Englishmen to subjugate India, about 2,500 Spaniards to dismantle the Aztec Empire, and only a few shiploads of convicts to civilize Australia.
How could it come to this? The Germans lost both World Wars, and in the 1940s, the victors occupied the country. After East and West Germany unified in 1990, the nation gradually turned into an American semi-colony, politically, militarily, and culturally. During the Second German Reich, women averaged two to five children. Citizens considered family, marriage, and motherhood sacred. But decades of “family planning,” birth control, and anti-natalist propaganda have cut the nation’s fertility.
Post-war Germany also saw an exodus of women: Tens of thousands of German women married foreign soldiers and moved abroad. The war also left Germany with a shortage of young men, so from 1955 to 1973, its government invited massive waves of Gastarbeiter (guest laborers) from Italy, Spain, Greece, Turkey, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yugoslavia. Most of them never went home, and became German citizens.
With generous loans from the United States, West Germany’s economy recovered from the war, but not its population. By 1977, the country had one of the lowest birthrates in the world, similar to those of the Japanese and the Italians, the two other losers of World War II: 1.4 children per German woman.
Over the course of the following decades, the number of German births halved, from 1.3 million newborns in 1965 to 682,000 in 2013. A constant “brain drain” — the emigration of the best and brightest — was a problem in both East and West Germany. There have also been over 100,000 abortions a year since 1996. Between 1900 and 2020, the world population increased from 1.6 billion to 8 billion, while the German population – excluding its 21.58 million foreigners – fell from 80 million in 1940 to 61 million today.
Immigrants have more children than Germans. By 2015, 30 percent of the children in Germany under age five had a foreign background. In major cities such as Berlin, Hamburg, Frankfurt, and Munich, 50 percent were foreign. In 2018, Bild reported that in Berlin, the most popular name for male newborns was Mohammed.
Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen (ZDF), the state broadcaster, announced, “The demographic figures show with sober mercilessness: The Germans are dying out” and tweeted, “There is no racism against whites.” Deutsche Welle (DW), Germany’s state-owned international broadcaster, reported that “in 2060 the [immigrant] share of metropolitan areas could be 70 percent.” Martin Schulz, a Social Democrat, said that is nothing to worry about: “What the refugees bring to us is more valuable than gold.”
Markus Söder, a leading Christian Democrat, informed his talk-show audience that “Islam was part of Bavaria!” and EU-parliamentarian Vural Öger predicted: “In the year 2100 there will be 35 million Turks in Germany. The population of Germans will then be around 20 million.” In 2017, a young leftist politician asked for “anti-German” film recommendations on Facebook, specifically “basically everything where Germans die.” Another female politician, Hamburg Parliamentarian Stefanie von Berg, proclaimed, “in 20, 30 years there will no longer be a [German] majority in our city . . . That is a good thing!”
In 2008, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan told Turks living in Europe that “assimilation is a crime against humanity.” A Turkish parents’ association in Hamburg called the Germans “Köterrasse” (a race of dogs). Celebrities, NGOs, and members of Islamic interest groups make similar comments. As the Turkish-German Deniz Yücel put it: “The speedy departure of the Germans is a beautiful Völkersterben [the death of a people].”
Some schools have banned the German flag. Chancellor Angela Merkel herself has, at least once, refused to hold the national colors. In a scene in a soap opera, Hotel Heidelberg, an elderly hostess scolds a group of German businessmen who placed their black-red-gold paper pennant on her beer table. Then she throws the miniature German flag into the trash. (Clip below, skip ahead to the 48-second mark.)
Ausschnitt aus der @DasErste Serie: „Hotel Heidelberg“. Sonnabend 14:00Uhr. Daß sich deutsche Schauspieler u.a. Hannelore Hoger dafür hergeben, ist eine absolute Schande. Gehirnwäsche par excellence. Widerlich!🧐 pic.twitter.com/6nBtXFogvv
— Andreas Patzwahl (@APatzwahl) August 22, 2020
Germans can snitch on their politically incorrect fellow citizens through various websites. Berliners can go to Berliner-register.de to report “discriminatory incidents,” including the “structural” ones that happen “in all walks of life.” The Mobile Counsel against Right-wing Extremism’s website (available in Turkish):
. . . offers advice and support for everybody engaged against right-wing extremism and in fostering democracy in Berlin. We assist you with any issues that might arise when dealing with racist, anti-Semitic or other inhuman forms of discrimination. We help you to help yourselves on-site: prompt, competent, and confidential.
At Das Versteck Spiel, (Hide and Seek) Germans can learn how to identify the “codes and symbols” of “extremists.” You can volunteer for “anti-fascist demonstrations” through the Berlin Gegen Nazis website (also available in Turkish), and KOP Berlin lets you tattle on police for racial profiling. The Amadeu Antonio Foundation, named after an Angolan and headed by former Stasi informant Anetta Kahane, patrols the internet for “right-wing extremism.” Fear of racism, being associated with racists, or being labeled a racist is everywhere. So much so that storefronts, unprompted, put up signs that read, “Respect! No place for racism.” Innkeepers and restaurateurs proudly announce their refusal to serve “Nazis,” by which they mean the immigration control party AfD. Meanwhile, city halls, labor unions, and hotels decry scourge of racism. Even ver.di [sic], the country’s second largest trade union, wants its two million members to inform on each others’ political views.
Schools teach “anti-racism.” New programs inform pupils about the evils of whiteness and the historical guilt they should feel. Children watch films about the Third Reich’s crimes in order to instill them with a sense of self-loathing at an early age. They’re also encouraged to inform on family members who make unkind comments about Germany’s new arrivals.
People who dissent from the status quo suffer consequences. Restaurants won’t serve them, hotels won’t host them, banks won’t have them. Members of the AfD are so stigmatized that they have a hard time finding jobs. Meanwhile, the mainstream press smears those who protest against immigration while the government surveils and harasses them — especially the German Identitarian Movement, now classified by law as “a verified extreme right movement.” Employees of all kinds know that their comments, their political affiliations, and their online activities can be monitored and serve as cause to fire them.
After Thilo Sarrazin, a member of the executive board of the German Central Bank, wrote a book about the problems of mass immigration, Germany Abolishes Itself, the Social Democrats expelled him from their party, and he was fired from the bank. Poet Susanne Kablitz committed suicide one day after she declared the country “irredeemably” lost. But death is no escape. After professor of population studies and immigration Rolf Peter Sieferl committed suicide in 2016, the newspaper Der Spiegel removed his book Finis Germania, (The End of Germany) from its bestseller list because of “antisemitic and historically revisionist” content.
As in the Anglosphere, nothing is safe from the “racist” label or the accusation of being too white: the national handball team, college fraternities, German words for foreign things, Otto von Bismarck, Immanuel Kant, an upscale discotheque in Bayreuth, the Berlin State Ballet, pharmacies with “Moor” in their name, street names, displays of the three wise men, etc. No person is safe: a youth soccer coach, volunteer firefighters, comedian Otto Walkes, TV personality Thomas Gottschalk, former diplomat Jörg von Uthmann, et al. While the media demonizes whites, it lionizes refugees and immigrants:
- “17-year-old refugee saves girls from attackers,” Welt, October 18, 2012
- “Syrian saves toddler’s life,” STN, June 28, 2018
- “Refugee saves the lives of crash victims in Osnabrück,” Welt, October 3, 2016
- “Refugee saves boy from drowning,” General-Anzeiger, May 28, 2016
- “Refugee saves young man from drowning in the reservoir,” Ronnen Dësch, July 23, 2019
- “Syrian refugees rescue NPD politicians from destroyed car,” Frankfurter Allgemeine, March 22, 2016
- “Former refugees receive A-levels – touching video,” Merker, July 7, 2020
- “From Refugee to High School Graduate – the Story of Khadija Alakhras,” Lokal26, July 18, 2020
- “African Immigrants Are Often Among the Better Educated,” Welt, October 21, 2019
- “Most Refugees Bring With Them Strong Basic Democratic Attitudes,” Der Tagesspiegel, July 22, 2019
As of mid-2018, every major news organ either closed its comment sections or hired moderators to ensure nothing too critical of the government stays up for long. Presserat, “the body responsible for enforcing the voluntary self-regulation of the press in Germany,” recommends:
When reporting on criminal offenses, care must be taken to ensure that mentioning that the suspect or perpetrator belongs to an ethnic, religious or other minority group does not lead to a discriminatory generalization of individual misconduct. As a rule, the affiliation should not be mentioned unless there is a justified public interest. It should be noted that mentioning it could fuel prejudice against minorities.
The German television station Welt reports, “Germans are much more likely to be victims of a crime committed by an immigrant than the other way around,” but its YouTube video about this explains that “due to the high volume of unobjective and offensive posts, we can currently no longer allow comments.” Even after the infamous New Year’s sexual assaults in 2015/2016, largely committed by immigrants, Germans still blame themselves.
Police have knelt before Black Lives Matter protesters. In 2016, Clemens Ladenburger’s daughter, Maria, was raped and killed by an Afghani refugee. Dr. Ladenburger, a bureaucrat for the EU, had been a promoter of mass immigration before his daughter’s death, and remained one after. He asked attendees of Maria’s funeral not to bring flowers, but instead to donate to a “a church project in Bangladesh.” He and his wife established The Maria Ladenburger Foundation, which among other things, helps “foreign students with their integration into college” at the University of Freiburg, where Maria was studying before her death. Freiburg Mayor Dieter Salomon urged Germans, “not to draw generalized conclusions from the suspect’s origin and regard [the incident] as an isolated one instead.”
In 2016, three men raped Selin Gören, a leftist politician with Turkish roots. At first, she said they were German, but later admitted to lying, and that the attackers “were speaking Arabic or Farsi.” Her excuse was that she hadn’t wanted to cause “more hatred against migrants in Germany.” Even the police cover up immigrant crime — mostly drugs, theft, and human trafficking — for fear of being called “anti-immigrant.” The Code of Criminal Procedures also forbids using DNA analysis to determine the ethnicity of a suspect — even if that would help an investigation. In some places, such as Schleswig-Holstein, police have even been instructed not to arrest “refugees” for low-level offenses.
Most major cities now have no-go areas: Billstedt in Hamburg, Kalk in Cologne, Gallus in Frankfurt, Neukölln in Berlin, Marxloh in Duisburg, Nordstadt in Dortmund, Altenessen in Essen, and the Old Botanic Garden in Munich. Negative reporting on these areas is taboo. The government closed one website, xyeinzelfall.de (archived here), that reported on crime in immigrant areas, and Big Tech appears to be manipulating search results so as not to return politically incorrect descriptions. No-go also means “no-tell.” When public servants leak reports or even discuss immigrant crimes, they can be demote or disgraced. There are frequent news stories about police officers facing internal investigations because of something as trivial as a message sent on WhatsApp.
Unofficially, there is one set of laws for natives and another for foreigners. While police look the other way when “refugees” commit real crimes, the government takes action when Germans dissent online. On July 13, 2016, the Ministry of Interior launched a “Day of action to combat hate postings.” In order to crack down on “racist” and “xenophobic” comments, police raided 60 homes in 14 Lander (states). On June 20, 2017, law enforcement “raided the homes of 36 people accused of hateful postings over social media.” Even the New York Times noted that “most of the raids concerned politically motivated right-wing incitement.” The third “Day of action to combat hate postings,” on June 14, 2018, ended with “apartment searches, interrogations and other measures against 29 suspects.” The next year, on June 6, 2019, police raided 38 houses, and in 2020, another 40.
In October 2018, a Syrian refugee knifed a German man to death in the city of Chemnitz. The government and mainstream media worried about how whites would react, and circulated reports that Germans were now “hunting” for immigrants to punish. Hans-Georg Maaßen, president of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (the equivalent to America’s Department of Homeland Security) was skeptical “about media reports of right-wing extremist witch hunts in Chemnitz. . . . In my cautious assessment, there are good reasons to believe that this is deliberate misinformation to distract the public from the Chemnitz murder.” The Left was so outraged that Chancellor Merkel reassigned Mr. Maaßen. This wasn’t enough; within three months he retired. The federal government further investigated the intelligence services, police, and military, and partially dissolved the KSK commando force, claiming to have found “right-wing extremism in its ranks.”
In early 2016, the Federal Police released its 2015 annual crime report, according to which the number of non-German suspects increased 47.7 percent from the previous year to a total of 911,864. That was 38.5 percent of the 2,369,036 crime suspects.
The report was quickly deleted from the government website, but not before it circulated on the internet. That year, Germans held protests about immigrant crime in many cities. The press claimed these protests were headed by the “far-right” and filled with lowlifes. The media also often reported on the danger of right-wing terrorism while repeating over and over that Germany is safe and getting safer. Judging from its actions, the government seems unconvinced: In 2017, the number of police officers reached an all-time high of 274,441, and the budget for the Bundeskriminalamt (BKA) – the German FBI – doubled from €386 million in 2009 to €794 million in 2019.
Criminal aliens are rarely deported. The most expulsions in a single year was about 25,000 in 2016. Leftists pressure the government to deport even fewer. In 2017, when immigration officials in Nürnberg arrested a young Afghan at his vocational college, his classmates injured nine officers in a brawl; media called it a small riot. Local politicians said the arrest was “unbelievable” and “inhuman.”
In June 2017, Parliament passed the NetzwerkDurchsetzungsGesetz (Network Enforcement Act or “NetzDG”). This law requires that social media companies delete illegal content posted by users, including “hate speech,” within 24 hours of posting or face a €50 million fine. This enormous penalty encourages companies to delete overzealously, especially since laws against hate speech are ambiguous. Critics on both the Left and the Right warned that this law was a possibly unconstitutional overreach that would limit freedom of expression. Parliament passed it anyway. The German Association of Judges praised the law, saying it put the country “on the right course to fight hate crime on the Internet, which is poisoning the political climate in the Federal Republic of Germany.”
The law also requires that companies store all deleted content for 10 weeks in case the government needs it as evidence in court. Enterprising leftists have created “denunciation networks,” such as Belltower.News, CorrectIV, DsiN, Klicksafe, and Stiftung Digitale Chancen that call for denunciations of supposedly hateful content and the people who post it. Germans can also report online hate speech directly to the police. The North Rhine-Westphalian Police website proudly states, “Hate postings on social media platforms are consistently prosecuted instead of just being deleted. With the initiative ‘Tracking instead of just deleting’ perpetrators are being taken out of anonymity in order to counter racist opinion-making.” Journalist Wolfgang Janisch reported on how this system works:
In order to facilitate criminal prosecution, the prosecutors meet three to four times a year with the media staff to discuss legal delimitations: What are the characteristics of sedition? What is an insult, where does freedom of expression end? . . . Meanwhile, 80 percent of the reports resulted in criminal investigations.
By the numbers
In 1890, Germany’s economy was the fourth largest on Earth. Today, its share of the world’s GDP is just 3.5 percent, but the business of asylum seekers is huge. Mass immigration generates new ministries, new bureaucracies, diversity and inclusion officers, human rights peddlers, research institutes, housing contractors, lawyers, hospitals, language centers, etc. In a sense, it’s a domestic foreign aid program. In 2019, the government spent €23.1 billion to accommodate and integrate refugees. Cities, districts, and municipalities earn large sums of money from regional governments to support each immigrant they take in. If employers hire young refugees, the government not only pays for social security and training costs, but also covers part of their monthly salaries.
The government often allots money for immigrant aid without much discretion, and unscrupulous people in both the private and public sectors cash in. Job centers and charities sometimes convince German citizens, mostly devout Christians and the elderly, to become Flüchtlingsbürgschaften (refugee sponsors) without fully explaining the ramifications. Then, after the refugee has gotten housing, healthcare, schooling, lawyers, job-training, language courses, transportation, and more, the government sends the bills, totaling tens of thousands of euros, to the unsuspecting sponsor, often an old white widow.
Mass immigration will continue. Though the number of new arrivals every year has gone down since the 2015, every year since then has still been higher than in 2014:
Angela Merkel has been Chancellor since 2005, and the entire political class is in agreement about immigration: The more, the better. Even if a nationalist were elected chancellor, the government would have to fight the European Union over immigration policy.
Greater restrictions on free speech and the internet are almost certain. Important politicians want new laws that would require websites, including social media and email providers, to give user passwords to the government on request. Others want the penalties for online hate speech increased, from the current maximum jail sentence of one year to three or five, and to expand the definition of “online threat” to include not just physical harm, but threats of property damage as well.
While pushing for more authoritarian laws, Justice Minister Christine Lambrecht said, “In [the] future, those who make threats or spread hate online will be prosecuted more toughly and more effectively.” It is only a matter of time before she gets what she wants. In November of 2020, the federal government agreed to a list of 89 “specific measures to be taken in the fight against racism, right-wing extremism and anti-Semitism.” Taxpayers will fund the new measures with over €1 billion.
The Third Reich is the favorite example of dangerous authoritarianism, but it isn’t the only German government that fits the bill. May Angela Merkel’s “New Germany” serve as a warning to whites everywhere.