|American Renaissance magazine|
|Vol. 19, No. 1||January 2008|
Diversity in the Army
A thin veneer covers serious trouble
In the first months of 1991, the United States military annihilated the Iraqi army. After several weeks of air raids and only three days of ground combat, American forces had little more to do but pack up and prepare for a victory parade. More than any other branch of the service, the Army had made the hard climb from its Vietnam abyss to the triumphant force of Desert Storm.
In the Vietnam era, the Army suffered from three major flaws: poorly trained non-commissioned officers, drugs, and racial tension. The victory in the Gulf suggested to the American public that these flaws were fixed and, indeed, two were. The post-Vietnam army started an intense training program for sergeants, and the schooling gets tougher as they move up the ladder. The military also invested heavily in drug screening, and entire units, including senior officers, were put through random drug tests. Specialists were hired to deal with addiction. The last problem, racial tension, however, has been only partly solved.
As 1960s-style integration is increasingly shown to be a myth, the military remains the last bastion of racial mixing, but a thin veneer masks serious trouble. Politicians and pundits brave the wrath of the thought police to keep women out of combat and young troopers away from practicing homosexuals, but no one talks about the problems of race. Despite Hollywood clichés like Glory, blacks have often been at best a mixed benefit and at worst a burden to the service. Racial conflict is out of the limelight, and the US Army is an effective fighting force, but trouble can erupt any time.
Non-whites in the armed forces cause three problems. The first is unit and soldier indiscipline. In the past, entire black regiments have behaved badly, and individual blacks often follow the same pattern. Second, blacks and whites sometimes think and behave differently. Bridging the gap is costly and never entirely successful, and racial divisions sap unit morale. Third, there is the added trouble of other non-white troops. An increasing number of racial and religious minorities can give rise to unique kinds of trouble.
The military was officially desegregated by President Truman in 1948, but segregated regiments weren’t broken up in earnest until the first year of the Korean War. The catalyst for this was the poor combat record of black units. Most of the men with World War II experience had left, and the army conscripts were often from the bottom of society. Discipline was poor. Task Force Smith, the first ground combat units to face the North Koreans, was wiped out as an effective fighting force. The white regiments were bad but the black ones were worse. One cannot read about the Korean War without running into tales of black units that were unable to hold together under fire.
The all-black 24th Infantry was notorious for hasty retreats. This unit performed so badly that according to Max Hastings in The Korean War, General Walton H. Walker, commander of ground forces in Korea, “recognized that it was possible to use the 24th only as an outpost force, a trip wire in the face of Communist assaults. It proved necessary to maintain another regiment in reserve behind the front, to conduct serious resistance when the 24th broke.” (p. 81.) Another all-black unit, the 3rd Battalion of the 9th Infantry, performed disgracefully at the battle of Bloody Ridge in August 1951. In fact, “the 3/9 had done nothing. It had failed miserably in the only real attack it had attempted, and its C.O. . . . had been on the bottle.” (T.R. Fehrenbach, This Kind of War, p. 359.)
After the disaster of Bloody Ridge, the Army desegregated its units so that blacks would make up roughly 10 percent of each company, and black soldiers were spread out one or two per squad. This meant no single regiment could be expected to do poorly in combat, but “the social problems, of course, were not solved.” (T. R. Fehrenbach, This Kind of War, p. 359.)
The Vietnam War was the low point for military race relations, and by 1971 there was conflict wherever soldiers were stationed. Robert Heinl, Jr. described the crisis in an article called “Collapse of the Armed Forces” in the June 7, 1971 issue of Armed Forces Journal:
Racial conflicts (most but not all sparked by young black enlisted men) are erupting murderously in all services. At a recent high commanders’ conference, General Westmoreland and other senior generals heard the report from Germany that in many units white soldiers are now afraid to enter barracks alone at night for fear of ‘head-hunting’ ambushes by blacks. In the quoted words of one soldier on duty in West Germany, ‘I’m much more afraid of getting mugged on the post than I am of getting attacked by the Russians.’
Other reports tell of jail-delivery attacks on Army stockades and military police to release black prisoners, and of officers being struck in public by black soldiers. Augsburg, Krailsheim, and Hohenfels are said to be rife with racial trouble. Hohenfels was the scene of a racial fragging last year—one of the few so far recorded outside Vietnam. In Ulm, last fall, a white noncommissioned officer killed a black soldier who was holding a loaded .45 on two unarmed white officers.
Elsewhere, according to Fortune magazine, junior officers are now being attacked at night when inspecting barracks containing numbers of black soldiers. Kelley Hill, a Ft. Benning, Ga., barracks area, has been the scene of repeated nighttime assaults on white soldiers. One such soldier bitterly remarked, ‘Kelley Hill may belong to the commander in the daytime but it belongs to the blacks after dark.’
Even the cloistered quarters of WACs have been hit by racial hair-pulling. In one West Coast WAC detachment this year, black women on duty as charge-o-quarters took advantage of their trust to vandalize unlocked rooms occupied by white WACS. On this rampage, they destroyed clothing, emptied drawers, and overturned furniture of their white sisters . . .
As early as July 1969 the Marines (who had previously enjoyed a highly praised record on race) made headlines at Camp Lejeune, N.C., when a mass affray launched by 30-50 black Marines ended fatally with a white corporal’s skull smashed in and 145 other white Marines in the sick bay. That same year, at Newport, R.I., naval station, blacks killed a white petty officer, while in March 1971 the National Naval Medical Center in Bethesda, Md., outside Washington, was beset by racial fighting so severe that the base enlisted men’s club had to be closed.
Today, tensions are not nearly so bad. An all-volunteer army with standards that weed out the worst offenders is no longer the battleground it once was, but by the late 1990s black and Hispanic gangs were a serious problem. In Killeen, Texas, (outside Fort Hood) military gang members were a danger to civilians. The Army made a thorough effort to stamp out gangs, but the Department of Justice’s National Gang Intelligence Center released a 2007 report covering nearly all the notorious non-white street gangs:
[They] have been documented on military installations both domestically and internationally. These members are present in most branches and across all ranks of the military, but are most common among the junior enlisted ranks. The US Army, Army Reserves, and National Guard are likely to have the most enlisted gang members because they are either the largest branches of the military, the service is part-time, or they tend not to be as selective as the other branches of the armed services.
The report noted that white extremists in the military did kill a black couple in 1996, but after an extensive investigation, the authorities concluded that “there was no widespread or organized extremist activity in the Army,” and that “gang-related activities appear to be more pervasive than extremist activity on and near Army installations and are becoming a significant security concern for many soldiers.”
Probably the greatest problem with blacks in the Army today is lack of ability, despite armed services qualification tests that wash out a considerably greater proportion of black applicants than white. Before my combat tour I found that blacks only slowly grasped the complex skills necessary for modern warfare. Once, as a passenger on a military bus, I overheard a group of blacks talking about something they all had in common: re-training. If a recruit fails a task, such as assembling a machine gun or operating a radio, he is culled from his squad for re-training. I never heard a knot of white soldiers discussing their common experience of re-training.
Blacks also fail the Army’s quite challenging field artillery training course at an appalling rate. Statistics aren’t public, but when I was learning the dark voodoo of artillery gunnery at Fort Sill’s Officer Basic Course I was surprised that all of the blacks in my platoon who started with me flunked out or “recycled.” Likewise, all who graduated with me were “recycles” from earlier courses. These men were not raw 18-year-olds; to get in you had to be a college graduate and get through pre-commissioning training.
This lack of ability makes for problems. One black lieutenant who worked for me in the US needed special training to keep a monthly budget. Although he was a college graduate, he could not figure out how to pay his bills. He made enough money, but he couldn’t manage his finances. Soon, creditors were calling the unit, and the situation was an embarrassment for the chain of command.
When I was stationed in Korea, a black major I worked for lead his troops from his barracks room. He would give a few directions by cell phone, and spend the rest of his time watching movies. This lack of face-to-face leadership led to disaster. In the office his outfit used, the ceiling tiles were rotting or missing, with exposed wires hanging down; the desks were covered with dust and garbage. This shabby ethos spread out to the men. The captains were demoralized, new lieutenants untrained. The sergeants worked uphill to maintain standards. Because there was no plan for combat training, the troops were available to be sucked into meaningless work details, such as grass trimming at the base post office.
When I first arrived in Iraq, my night-shift counterpart was a black man with more than 20 years of experience. He had been diagnosed with serious sleep apnea and needed a special breathing machine to help him sleep. A man with this condition should not be in a war zone, but large black men are physically imposing, and often get their way. At his pre-deployment medical screening, he was naturally marked as not-deployable. He took exception to this and nearly came to blows with the doctor. The doctor cleared him.
During the night shift, he collected routine reports and did typical staff work. In the morning I based my work on what he had done, but I wasn’t getting the information or cooperation I needed. I began getting criticism for my section’s work, and soon every shift-change briefing became a heated argument.
One day this man took offense when I pointed out that every time an artillery shell is fired, it uses up a corresponding powder charge, and that we needed to order both replacement items together. His reply to this centuries-old observation was to insult me and remind me that I wasn’t as “experienced” as he. Matters just got worse. Finally I cornered him on an easy thing he missed, and furiously asked him if he actually understood what he was doing. Unable to look me in the eye, he stormed out of the tent.
He got a medical evacuation from Iraq that very day because his breathing machine for sleep apnea suddenly “broke.” An enlisted man later told me he had innocently lent the officer a screwdriver that day. In any case, my section was never accused of sloppy work again.
That experience with the black officer was my racial awakening. He was the first of a host of blacks I saw in Iraq who suddenly discovered they had angina, breathing problems, or other hard-to-see “ailments.” I’m not a doctor, so I don’t know if their complaints were valid, but I always had a gut feeling they were a trick to go home early. Once they are in a war, few people want to stick around, and even fewer want to come back, but in general, the whites I knew left the service only after they had honorably finished their combat tours.
In Iraq, I was repeatedly stunned by the inability of many senior black officers to think through problems. In one case, I asked for increased close air support for an area commonly used by insurgents to fire mortars at American bases. A black officer refused air support, suggesting that we “put snipers in trees” to deal with the mortars. Iraq is a barren desert. The trees are mostly irrigated date palms and cannot support a sniper. That black officer worked hard and was certainly brave, but I am still amazed he came up with that foolishness about snipers. Bad staff work is a tremendous opportunity cost. It took me hours to get fighter-bomber coverage. This was valuable time wasted, and lives were needlessly endangered.
Likewise in Iraq, I had to cool tensions between a white Air National Guard lieutenant colonel and a black warrant officer. The white colonel was a Vietnam vet who had bitter memories of black behavior when he as a young draftee. The warrant officer was essentially worthless. I finally solved the problem simply by keeping the two men apart. I gave the black man no work, and he spent his waking hours playing video games.
Once I saw a black major so befuddled by the unit’s vehicle bumper number standard that a five minute maintenance meeting turned into an afternoon marathon. What was the problem? Every combat vehicle in a unit gets a number. It is painted on the front and rear bumpers, and conforms to a standard that places the vehicle in its exact squad. For example, 1-300 IN K-6 would be the Kilo Company, First Battalion, 300th Infantry Commander’s Vehicle. Different units have slightly different numbering standards, but they are not hard to figure out—except for this black major, who was stumped.
He was the operations officer, and his failure to grasp the obvious spread out to more important areas. Soon, battalion-level staff functions slowed to a crawl or just stopped. Routine procedures such as coordinating with Range Control when firing artillery became difficult operations. Eventually nothing worked right. When the head of a 500-man outfit does not have the brains to make common tasks routine or enough respect to make orders stick, things go wrong. The men become grouchy and troublesome. During several training exercises, 155mm artillery shells hit dangerously close to forward observers. Junior officers nicknamed the major “Abortion.” He was quietly replaced, but in a way that let him keep moving up.
Not all blacks and other non-whites were disruptive. Many were fantastic soldiers. But I did discover that nearly every major problem, accident, or scandal I saw in the service had a black or Hispanic at the bottom of it.
Black officers are often unsatisfactory but at least they do not usually commit the kinds of crimes common among young black enlisted men. As a peacetime platoon leader, I was always being roped into rape investigations. Invariably the suspects were black. Whites would get drunk and rowdy, but I never knew one to be a rapist. Thanks to these investigations, I learned a new expression: “running a train.” This means gang rape, and comes from men standing in line waiting their turn. It is strictly black slang.
One black soldier in my platoon was a good soldier and a hard worker, but he had heavy baggage. He was picked up by the military police for drunk driving, and once he had to have all his combat gear reissued. He said it was stolen, but I suspect he pawned it. Still, he did his job well, and I worked hard to help him when he was indicted for rape in a civilian court. We even sent him home from a deployment a week ahead of his comrades so he could attend court hearings.
On the day of his trial, his platoon sergeant and section chief arrived in court, resplendent in their uniforms, to show support for their man. The judge informed the chain of command that the suspect had not met any of his preliminary court dates, and that he was going to be locked up. We never learned where he had gone when we sent him home, but he didn’t go to court. His commander had to start writing up the paperwork to kick him out of the Army.
Sometimes black officers and leaders do fall into the error of their younger brothers. The Army covered up a serious gang rape scandal when a group of black officers in the 10th Mountain Division videotaped themselves ravishing some female soldiers. The officers were alumni of a black fraternity, and they brought their victims along as part of the entertainment for the fraternity’s reunion party. This was on the heels of the Navy’s Tail Hook scandal in 1991, so the bad press and the racial angle made for a quick high-brass silencing. The black officers were relieved of duty, but the cover up was so effective that I cannot find any trace of this incident on the Internet. I learned the facts from two different veterans of the unit who did not know each other, and who were an ocean apart when they told me their tales.
The 1997 sex/rape scandal at Aberdeen Proving Grounds was widely reported, however, and involved black drill sergeants shaking down female recruits for sex. The same year, the Sergeant Major of the Army, the highest-ranking enlisted man, was court marshaled when six women accused him of pressuring them for sex. Gene McKinney, the first black to serve in that position, was acquitted of sexual harassment but convicted of obstruction of justice.
The military has the same racial crime-rate discrepancies as civilian life. However, the Army has a job to do, and dealing with crime chews up resources. An enormous amount of effort went into the McKinney trial. Is there an important innovation that was not thought up as a result?
In a free society one would expect “whistleblowers,” but they are rare because of the equal opportunity bureaucracy. The consequences of failing an EO rating are worse than failing the annual marksmanship test. Every evaluation for leaders has a section on support for equal opportunity. A “No” ends a career.
Blacks know this, and some are tempted to make false charges of “racism.” One quartermaster captain told me he narrowly avoided a serious drubbing after a black first sergeant accused him of calling her and her troops “monkeys.” Her outfit ran a warehouse in Iraq, which he was responsible for inspecting. He said the warehouse was a “disaster,” and he thinks the “monkeys” accusation was meant to be a cover up. The accusation didn’t go very far, but only because there was a black soldier with the captain who saw it all, and testified that the accusation was false. After that, the captain dealt with the warehouse supervisors through a black subordinate. As he explained to me, he “didn’t need any more headaches.”
Race causes other wastes. Colin Powell writes in his memoirs about a division commander who ordered every dogface to watch the movie Brian’s Song. It is about an intense friendship between two football players—one white, the other black—and the commander thought the movie would ease racial tension. The division even sent MPs to round up idle men and bring them to theaters. What counter-insurgency book wasn’t written because of Brian’s Song duty?
There is a different problem with our increasingly “diverse” army. Many non-whites simply don’t put forth much effort, and in extreme cases they can be more hostile to whites than to the enemy. A Korean West Point graduate pulled strings to leave his Iraq-bound unit for garrison duty near Seoul, where he became a multicultural “director of community outreach.” We were in a war, but he used up taxpayer dollars to take an unnecessary diversity job in Korea.
There are far worse problems than sloughing off. A serious fragging nearly decapitated a brigade of the 101st Airborne at the start of the Iraq War. An American-born black convert to Islam, Hasan Karim Akbar, killed two officers and wounded the brigade commander. In another fragging incident, Staff Sergeant Alberto B. Martinez, posted to Tikrit, Iraq, allegedly rolled a hand grenade into a room and killed two officers. His trial is hung up in legal motions.
Non-whites have caused other trouble. There have been serious fears of spying among the Muslim troops at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. All charges were later dropped against West Point graduate and Muslim chaplain, Captain James Yee, but he raised enough suspicion to be arrested. Several Arabs were arrested along with Captain Yee. They weren’t convicted of spying but received convictions for lesser, but serious infractions.
Espionage cases are hard to prove. Accomplices can vanish back to their native lands, witnesses can be assassinated, and fingerprints, DNA, and other physical evidence can be more easily explained. Sometimes counterintelligence discovers evidence inadmissible in court. Often spies can be convicted only if they are caught in a sting where the evidence is overwhelming and can be used in court.
America now fights its wars in the Third World, and our policy of putting Third World people in the military is dangerous. It is only a matter of time before a Somali, Kurdish, Laotian, or Hmong “refugee” has the authority to call in air-strikes or command riflemen. Like the Romans who were destroyed by their Germanic mercenaries, Americans could find that their army is a foreign viper.
Diversity has been turned against us in the past. During the Philippine Insurrection early in the 20th century, the troublesome, all-black 24th Infantry produced a renegade named David Fagen. He deserted from the American side and accepted a Philippine Army commission as a captain. The Filipino insurgents had offered such a deal to any black deserter. Captain Fagen was not the only black turncoat, but their numbers were small, since Filipinos and blacks are a world apart. If the fighting had been in Africa things might have been different. Still, the Fagen incident caused a decline in trust between the races, and even a certain hysteria. After American setbacks, one journalist concluded that Filipino successes were the result of, “the scheming of American deserters, who were so familiar with army routines.”
Successful military operations must be glued together with trust, and diversity destroys trust. In diverse groups, the tendency is to hunker down, avoid making friends, and just try to survive. Instead of quickly starting from a common point, American soldiers must spend time developing trust. Some black senior officers cannot quite believe that white subordinates aren’t ready to blast them; the ghosts of Reconstruction and Jim Crow rise easily at a forward operating base filled with muscular, blue-eyed white men with assault rifles.
Likewise, white soldiers may not trust black officers, since they are often baffled by simple problems and quick to be swept up in vice. Too often, black leaders and enlisted men can appear to be nothing more than the gangster types who were despised back in a white’s home town.
Instead of working through problems, developing innovative tactics, or focusing on training, soldiers must spend time smoothing wrinkles and dealing with tensions that otherwise would not exist. The alienation, post-traumatic stress disorder, drug-taking, and other pathologies commonly found in veterans since Vietnam are probably related, at least in part, to this lack of trust.
The unwillingness to recognize desegregation’s failures may even influence strategy at the highest level. In its August 8, 2003 issue, the British newspaper, the Telegraph, quoted from a speech by Condoleezza Rice:
‘Like many of you, I grew up around the home-grown terrorism of the 1960s. I remember the bombing of the church in Birmingham in 1963, because one of the little girls that died was a friend of mine,’ she said.
Black Americans should stand by others seeking freedom today, she went on, and shun the ‘condescending’ argument that some races or nations were not interested in or ready for Western freedoms.
‘We’ve heard that argument before. And we, more than any, as a people, should be ready to reject it,’ she said. ‘That view was wrong in 1963 in Birmingham and it is wrong in 2003 in Baghdad and in the rest of the Middle East.’
In fact, Iraq has no history of democracy nor any real prospects for it, and more than 50 years after Birmingham, American jails are filled with blacks. Delusions always come back to haunt the deluded.
America’s position at the top is lonely and precarious. Any military slipup can embolden our enemies. Pol Pot was certainly aided by America’s withdrawal from Vietnam, and Osama bin Laden was inspired to strike after our failure in Somalia. Any lack of trust within our fighting formations, any lost opportunity, any crime, any bad judgment makes the worst more likely.
But the most important danger is domestic. It is simply a matter of time before whites vote clearly for their own interests. At that point, an alien army could spark a serious domestic and Constitutional crisis. To avoid such a calamity, Uncle Sam needs an army loyal to Americans and sympathetic to their institutions.
Duncan Hengest served as a company-grade field artillery officer in the United States, Korea, and Iraq. He was on active duty for seven years.
The Australian Immigration Crisis
A mirror image of our own crisis.
Peter Wilkinson, The Howard Legacy: Displacement of Traditional Australia from the Professional and Managerial Classes, Independent Australian Publications, 2007, soft cover, 170 pp. $25 (Australian).
Australia has an immigration policy that is like ours stood on its head. The United States is filling up with unlettered Hispanics, who make every social problem worse, whether it is crime, school failure, illegitimacy, youth gangs, obesity, or drug-taking.
Australia is importing hundreds of thousands of smart, hard-working people who are streaming into the nation’s best universities and working their way to the top. Mass immigration at its best? No. “In 1994 the acerbic Le Kuan Yew, then Prime Minister of Singapore, forecast that Australians were destined to be the poor white trash of Asia,” writes Peter Wilkinson in The Howard Legacy. “Today one can say that white Australians are destined to be the poor trash of Australia.”
These successful immigrants are almost all Asians—mainly Chinese—and white Australians have begun to resent their increasing dominance. As columnist Michael Duffy asked in the Sydney Morning Herald, “Is it perhaps the first time in history that a nation’s elite have invited another group to come in and replace it?”
Peter Wilkinson, a former president of the Royal Australian Chemical Institute and now editor of The Independent Australian, has written what is probably the first book-length treatment of this replacement. He has no resentment against Asians, pointing out that they are only exploiting an opportunity, just as the Chinese have done everywhere in Southeast Asia. It is white politicians who have sold out their children’s birthright who are the targets of Dr. Wilkinson’s anger.
The Nature of Immigration
John Howard was prime minister from 1996 until he left office after a Labor victory on November 24, 2007. During that time, explains Dr. Wilkinson, Asians have accounted for a steady 40 percent of all immigrants. The Chinese percentage has drifted down slightly, from about 20 percent to 15 percent of the total, with Indians taking their places. Whites continue to be a minority of all immigrants, at 20 to 25 percent. Asians are now about 7 percent of the population and the Chinese, who account for half them, have an impact far beyond their numbers.
The Australian immigration system used to be weighted towards family reunification, but during the Howard years, the number of immigrants admitted because of skills rose from 28 to 45 percent. In some cases immigration quotas were even allocated to tradesmen, such as carpenters and electricians. This, says Dr. Wilkinson, is because of the foolish idea that everyone should have an “academic” education, which leaves many men with useless degrees in psychology or sociology and no trade. Whites from Europe and South Africa are the immigrant tradesmen; the engineers, accountants, and currency traders are Asian. Asians tend to be concentrated in the power centers of Sydney and Melbourne, where most of the Chinese movie houses and the 14 Chinese newspapers and magazines are found.
The Australian university system helps explain the Asian influx. Higher education is almost entirely free for Australians—only three percent of citizens pay fees—but the government has reduced the education budget over the years. This means universities have come to depend on foreign students, who pay full tariff. Almost one quarter of students are now fee-paying foreigners, and they supply 15 percent of national universities budget.
Graduation with an Australian degree almost guarantees the right to live in Australia. As Dr. Wilkinson explains, “the universities market themselves as providing education but they know, and certainly their prospective applicants know, that they are marketing permanent residency visas.” “Migration agents” do a brisk business recruiting foreign fee-payers. Some low-level cram schools have become almost entirely dependent on Asians, and they lower admissions and credentialing standards to keep the tuition money rolling in. Dr. Wilkinson notes:
At one time in many cases the staff would have probably conceded passes in the knowledge that the students would be out of Australia soon and out of sight and out of mind. Not these days; most likely they will be applying for residency, then appointments to professional positions denied to Australian residents who have to met rigorous standards.
Many classes are filled with people who hardly speak English, and are not much use to Australians, but anyone who complains is, of course, a “racist.”
Dr. Wilkinson points out that Asians who can afford to move to Australia or send their children to school there are middle class at least, and often wealthy. He says that if the first generation is held back by poor English, the second generation will not be. Their children will be just as diligent as they are, and will keep moving up.
Dr. Wilkinson admires the “firm family discipline” of Asians, and contrasts it to the lax, party atmosphere common among white students. Dr Wilkinson notes with disgust that whites are often so badly educated that “many born and bred locals have such poor English grammar and expression skills that recently arrived NESB [non-English-speaking background] immigrants are not particularly disadvantaged.”
Wealthy, motivated Asians take places in the top private schools, and buy houses in the best public school districts, often pricing out whites. The state of New South Wales, which is Australia’s most populous and has Sydney as its capital, has 19 selective high schools. No fewer than 12 have a majority of students who come from homes where English is not spoken. The three most heavily non-white are an astonishing 92 percent, 83 percent, and 78 percent NESB.
Hard work pays off. In 2005, the 3.4 percent of the population that was Chinese won 24 percent of the Australian Student Prizes given for high school work. The state of Victoria is 4 percent Chinese, but Chinese carried off 32 percent of the scholarships at the state’s prestige universities, Melbourne and Monash.
The table on this page shows just how overrepresented non-whites are in Australian universities, especially in the eight top-ranked schools, known collectively as the “Group of Eight.” The abbreviations are confusing, but the table shows what type of student is studying which subjects. In the fourth column, for example, we find that 37 percent of all students studying information technology were either born outside of Australia or were born in Australia of non-English-speaking parents. It is safe to assume that a large majority are non-white, with a heavy representation of Chinese. The last column on the table shows figures for the Group of Eight. No fewer than 49 percent of students in information technology are O/SB or ABNESB.
Dr. Wilkinson writes that most Australians have no idea how non-white Australia’s best universities have become. “Go to any Group of 8 university,” he writes. “Walk around, believe your own eyes.” At the University of New South Wales — in the Group of Eight, of course — 44 percent of the students are Asian. Dr. Wilkinson points out that Asians are heavily concentrated in dentistry and optometry, but do not yet dominate medicine because the English-ability requirement for doctors is high; patients and doctors must understand each other. This language requirement is routinely attacked as “racist,” and, in any case, Australian-born Asians, fluent in English, will soon be gliding into medical schools.
Dr. Wilkinson writes that if current immigration continues, Chinese will be 6 to 10 percent of the population by 2030, and will be concentrated in the best-paid management positions. “The Chinese have become an economy-dominant minority everywhere that they have a significant presence,” he writes. “Why would the situation be any different in Australia?”
There will be more than economic consequences: “Australia will gravitate over time into the Chinese sphere of influence . . . Traditional links with the UK, Europe and USA will fade . . . The leading politicians will be traditional Australians, in the pockets of the Chinese, as is the case in SE Asia.”
Dr. Wilkinson says whites will become rare in selective schools and in the corridors of power: “The cognitively gifted traditional Australian will be a minority. Traditional Australian culture is unlikely to survive in such an environment. Links to Anglo-European culture will evaporate.”
Chinese have generally refrained from boasting about their success, but there have been exceptions. Michael Choi, a member of parliament from Queensland said, “I want the world to know that we [Australians] are hard workers and entrepreneurs and able to sell ice to Eskimos because we have learned that from the Chinese community.” Peter Wong of the New South Wales legislative council says high immigration is a great benefit for Australia because the nation state is obsolete anyway. Whenever a Chinese—or anyone else—points out that whites resent the Asian influx he is hooted down.
Dr. Wilkinson makes the obvious recommendations: immigration should be cut, colleges should not have to depend on foreigners, and an Australian degree should not be a ticket to citizenship. He even suggests preferences for whites.
None of this seems likely. The new prime minister Kevin Rudd majored in Chinese as an undergraduate and held a diplomatic post at the Peking embassy. He is widely known as a Sinophile and even has a Chinese son-in-law. Mr. Rudd will not make it harder for Asians to tighten their grip.
What is happening in Australia is yet another example of why racial diversity does not work. The Chinese who can afford to immigrate are well above average in ability and even further above the Australian average. There is nothing to stop them from displacing the WASP ruling class, and changing the country in ways whites will not like.
Had these talented immigrants been Britons, Canadians, or white South Africans, there would be nothing like the friction that is sure to come. There might be a few murmurs of discontent if Boers, for example, took over a few major banks, but in a generation Boers would be indistinguishable from old Australian stock. The Chinese will remain Chinese, whether they are running a corner laundry or the foreign ministry. And, as Dr. Wilkinson points out, when the old WASP elite discovers that its children and grandchildren are sweeping floors in Chinese-owned factories, they will have only themselves to blame.
The Rush for the Lifeboats
Is egalitarian orthodoxy beginning to crumble?
William Saletan is a national correspondent for the on-line magazine Slate. On November 18, 19, and 20, he published a three-part series about the powerful evidence for the view that the average IQ difference between blacks and whites is caused at least partly by genes. Much of his data came from a first-rate meta-study by Philippe Rushton and Arthur Jensen that appeared in the June 2005 issue of Psychology, Public Policy, and Law.
It was so much of a surprise to find a reasonably objective treatment of IQ at a website owned by the Washington Post that we posted excerpts at our own site, AmRen.com. In fact, the series strayed so far from the Post’s slavishly egalitarian line that I felt sure Mr. Saletan would be spanked, and sure enough, he was. On November 28, a week after the series ended, he limped back on line to confess that he was not an expert in IQ, and that he had done sloppy work:
In researching this subject, I focused on published data and relied on peer review and rebuttals to expose any relevant issue. As a result, I missed something I could have picked up from a simple glance at Wikipedia.
For the past five years, J. Philippe Rushton has been president of the Pioneer Fund, an organization dedicated to ‘the scientific study of heredity and human differences.’ During this time, the fund has awarded at least $70,000 to the New Century Foundation. To get a flavor of what New Century stands for, check out its publications on crime (‘Everyone knows that blacks are dangerous’) and heresy (‘Unless whites shake off the teachings of racial orthodoxy they will cease to be a distinct people’). New Century publishes a magazine called American Renaissance, which preaches segregation. Rushton routinely speaks at its conferences.
I was negligent in failing to research and report this. I’m sorry. I owe you better than that.
He certainly does owe us better than that. Rather sad, really, that Mr. Saletan’s apology for bad research should be yet more bad research.
There was a furious round of commenting at Slate—some readers wanted Mr. Saletan’s scalp, others merely abused him—and Mr. Saletan scurried back onto the plantation to prove his “anti-racist” credentials. On Nov. 29, he explained why the Pioneer Fund should never ever ever give money to AR:
Taylor is a perfect illustration of racist abuse of science. He takes bits of data and weaves them together with completely unscientific inferences to suit his segregationist ideology. In doing so, he does tremendous harm to both science and society.
If you run a research fund, you have a responsibility not to subsidize that kind of crap. Period.
On November 30, I posted a comment on Slate, as follows:
Dear Mr. Saletan,
You appear not to have anticipated the criticism your series would unleash, but your reaction to charges of ‘racism’ is drearily familiar: ‘No, no. I am a bold seeker of truth. The real racists are those wicked people over there.’
That approach is not merely ignoble; as you are discovering, it doesn’t work.
More specifically, why did you write that my magazine, American Renaissance, ‘preaches segregation?’ We believe in complete freedom of association, noting only that when they have such freedom, most people prefer the company of others of their own race. Segregation is the opposite of freedom of association, and the difference should be obvious to anyone.
I then quoted his claim that I was a science abuser, and continued:
There are more than 15 years of back issues of American Renaissance at our web page, AmRen.com. Can I trouble you to point out even one example of ‘racist abuse of science’?
I suppose I should not have been surprised, but this letter mostly brought forth name-calling, guilt-by-association, and speculations about my personal life—as well as an occasional glimmer of common sense. Mr. Saletan did not put in an appearance, so I sent him the same questions by e-mail. Mr. Saletan is, of course, a very busy and important man, so he hasn’t quite found the time to reply.
The Slate series and the spanking were even reported in the New York Times, which passed along Mr. Saletan’s blundering description of AR as “segregationist.” On December 2, I sent the Times a correction, but whether the paper will accept correction from a “perfect example of the racist abuse of science” remains to be seen.
On December 3, poor Mr. Saletan got another spanking. Stephen Metcalf, who bills himself as Slate’s “critique-at-large,” railed at his colleague, calling his conclusions “flatly untrue” and “highly questionable.” In an article that didn’t do much more than shout “Racist, racist!” Mr. Metcalf even called Arthur Jensen “highly biased.” Prof. Jensen is perhaps the most careful, fair-minded, respected, cited, and apolitical figure in the entire field of IQ research.
What is going on here? I suspect we are in the early days of what will be an increasingly absorbing but, ultimately, unedifying spectacle. We are seeing what happens when what was once thought to be the most odious of heresies begins to triumph through sheer weight of evidence: blurted half-truths, hasty retractions, and increasingly shrill denunciations. As the number of heretics grows, a few of the less blinkered liberals can see that the egalitarian edifice is shaky. They don’t want to be the last defenders of what may be a doomed orthodoxy.
There will be plenty more Saletans. Their vanity tells them that the last to abandon ship will look ridiculous. In retrospect, everyone will see there was not one scrap of positive evidence for egalitarian orthodoxy. But when will it be safe to jump? Who will later be heralded as far-seeing, and who will be put to the stake? The defenders of orthodoxy are still powerful, and desperation makes them vindictive.
Those of us who are safely ashore can settle in for the show. In our lifetimes, no other scientific orthodoxy as significant as this is likely to go under. It is like watching the Berlin Wall crumble. Recovering liberals will insist, as Mr. Saletan did, that shocking as the truth may be, it really has no policy implications. They are wrong. Education policy, race preferences, immigration, diversity—all will be reexamined. And Americans will bend over backwards to reexamine them fairly and humanely.
When will the ship finally go down? In his latest book, Avoid Boring People, James Watson makes a rough prediction that in 15 years—maybe 10—we will have found the genes that contribute to intelligence, and that they will be shown not to be distributed equally among all races. The Saletan pirouette shows that not everyone will wait that long. But one thing is sure: The final rush for the lifeboats will be ugly.
|IN THE NEWS|
O Tempora, O Mores!
On Dec. 3, Mychal Bell, the 17-year-old black high school student at the center of the so-called “Jena 6” case (see the “The ‘Jena 6’ Fraud,” AR, Nov. 2007) pleaded guilty to second-degree battery against white schoolmate Justin Barker. Mr. Bell was facing conspiracy and aggravated battery charges that could have kept him in a juvenile center until he was 21. As part of the plea agreement, Mr. Bell will serve another six months in addition to the year he has already served, will testify against the other five blacks who beat Mr. Barker, and pay $935.00 towards court costs and Mr. Barker’s medical bills. “Everybody here is delighted that there is closure coming to this,” says Billy Fowler, a member of the local school board. [Marisol Bello, ‘Jena 6’ Teen Admits Fault in Plea Deal, USA Today, Dec. 3, 2007.]
Except, perhaps, for Mr. Barker and his family. They sat silently in the courtroom while Mr. Bell entered his plea, but three days later Mr. Barker filed a civil suit for unspecified damages against the blacks who beat him, the parents of two attackers who were juveniles, and the LaSalle Parish School Board. Mr. Barker’s lawyer says they are suing parents because they are responsible for their children’s violence, and they are suing the school board because it did not “adequately supervise students” or “assign enough teachers for supervision.” [Billy Gunn and Mandy Goodnight, Victim’s Family Sues in ‘Jena 6’ Beating Case, Town Talk (Alexandria, La.), Dec. 6, 2007.]
The defendants are not indigent. The families of the so-called Jena 6 are estimated to have taken in several hundred thousand dollars in donations, and at least two of the six posted photos of themselves on the Internet draped in $100 bills.
’Tis the Season
On December 3, two boy scouts from Troop 393, aged 11 and 13, and their fathers were selling Christmas trees in the parking lot of a drive-through convenience store in North College Hill, Ohio. They had approximately $350 in cash when they were set upon by three blacks, aged 17 to 20, one of whom had a sawed-off shotgun. The blacks shoved the men and boys to the ground and robbed them. They also punched the adults and one of the boys. Police have yet to catch the robbers.
The scouts have been selling Christmas trees at that location for more than 20 years. They plan to keep selling them there, but will increase the number of people manning the stand. [Quan Truong and Jennifer Baker, NCH Rallies to Aid Scouts, Cincinnati Enquirer, Dec. 4, 2007.]
It Must be Love
Television show creator Adrian Martinez hopes a network or cable channel will pick up his new idea for a reality show, “Who Wants to Marry a US Citizen?” in which immigrants — legal, Mr. Martinez assures us — will compete for the affections of an American citizen. Mr. Martinez isn’t guaranteeing marriage, or that immigrants will get permanent residency; he’s just offering the chance. But if there is a wedding, the program will pay for it and the honeymoon, too.
“It’s this generation’s ‘Dating Game,’ but with a twist — it aims to show love knows no borders,” Mr. Martinez says. “We’re just out to play matchmaker,” says the show’s host, Angelo Gonzales. “There are thousands of US citizens seeking a spouse, and just as many immigrants seeking the same. So we want to make it a win-win situation for all involved.”
Mr. Martinez already has enough contestants for several episodes. He says most are Hispanic, but one is from the Philippines. [Show Seeks to Love Match Migrants and US Citizens, Reuters, Nov. 30, 2007.]
They’re On to Us
So-called “anti-racists” are already in a frenzy over the 2008 AR conference. An e-mail message, excerpted below, has been making its way around the left side of the Internet:
In 2008, neo-nazis and racist bigots will be planning more racist terror at the American Renaissance Conference. On Feb 22-24, prominent white supremacists from the US and across the world will gather at the Crowne Plaza Dulles Airport Hotel to vent their hatred and spew their racist venom towards communities of color.
The conference organizers call for a white supremacist society and political order. American Renaissance (AmRen) editor Jared Taylor even states: ‘If whites permit themselves to be displaced, it is not just the high culture of the West that could disappear but such things as representative government, rule of law and freedom of speech, which whites usually get right and everyone else usually gets wrong.’
In the spirit of the anti-fascists that came before us, let’s shut these racists down by any means necessary.
Register for the conference today. You won’t want to miss the fun.
Army Diversity Update
As this month’s cover story notes, the Army struggles with diversity. It looks like it will struggle some more. On Nov. 30, Army chief of staff General George Casey announced the establishment of a Diversity Task Force, which will “review the Army’s diversity policies, practices and progress.” The force will be headed by a black woman brigadier general, Belinda Pinckney, who now heads something called the Army’s Family and Morale, Welfare and Recreation Command.
“The purpose of the task force is to increase awareness and to inform ourselves about how we need to adapt what we’re doing so we can sustain awareness and focus on diversity,” Gen. Casey says, adding, “I will tell you that I firmly believe the strength of our army comes from our diversity.”
Gen. Casey commanded the troops in Iraq from June 2004 until February 2007, when he was replaced by Gen. David Petreus. Gen. Casey says his Iraq experience is what sold him on diversity. He says Iraqis often asked how Americans were able to get soldiers of different races and religions to work together, and that the American example helped mold the Iraqi army into an impressive fighting force. [J. D. Leipold, Gen. Casey Announces Creation of Diversity Task Force, Army News Service, Dec. 3, 2007.]
Diversity in the FDNY
Ninety-one percent of New York City’s 11,621 firemen are white men (666 are Hispanic, 337 are black, 75 are Asian, 31 are women). That’s far too many white men. Last May the US Department of Justice sued the city, claiming the fire department’s entrance exam discriminates against non-whites. The feds didn’t say the FDNY is “racist,” but the test is implicitly “racist.”
The department has already jiggered the exam to make it easier for non-whites. Here is a sample question:
As a rookie firefighter, you are responsible for cleaning the kitchen. At the beginning of your shift, you find the kitchen area is a mess. And there is a bowl of chili spilled on the floor from the firefighters from the previous shift. The reason the kitchen is a mess is due to the previous crew having gone out on a call to a fire during their dinner, and they are still actively fighting the fire.
1) Clean up the mess?
2) Clean up the mess, but complain to anyone who will listen?
3) Refuse to clean the mess up?
4) Clean up everything except the spilled chili?
5) Wait for everyone from the previous shift to return, and yell at them that they should have cleaned up the mess.
Candidates were to rate each answer in terms of desirability — placing an A next to the answer that was “highly desirable” all the way through E, “highly undesirable.” Eighty-eight of the 195 questions had two “right” answers. Five more questions had three, and for one question all five answers were “right.”
The test is now so easy that 21,000 of the 22,000 who took the test — more than 95 percent — passed. Thirty-eight percent of those geniuses were non-white, so there are likely to be quite a few “people of color” among the 2,000 rookies joining the force over the next four years.
Mayor Michael Bloomberg says the problem all along was that the city didn’t try hard enough to attract non-white candidates. This time it spent $1.4 million advertising to non-whites, and the mayor considers it money well spent. [John Eligon and Diane Cardwell, Black and Hispanic Firefighter Applicants Have Doubled, New York Times, Nov. 28, 2007. FDNY Test Mess, New York Post, Dec. 2, 2007.]
Good for Us
Assistant Secretary of State Ellen R. Sauerbrey, a former Maryland congresswoman, heads the department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration. She thinks refugees are good for America. “We do it because it’s the right thing to do, but we also do it because it is in our national interest,” she explains. “When you have people in these hopeless situations, this is where terrorism breeds, this is where failed states come from.” Apparently, if we don’t let them in, they will turn terrorist and attack us.
The US took in 50,000 refugees last year, and expects to have taken in another 70,000 in 2007, mostly from Burundi, Somalia, Bhutan and Burma (Myanmar). We can also expect thousands of refugees from the war in Iraq. The United States gets more refugees than the rest of the world combined. Australia and Canada are the number two and three countries, and each takes about 5,000 a year. [Peter Smith, Accepting Refugees Protects US, Official Says, Louisville Courier-Journal, Dec. 6, 2007.]
Darn that Columbus
Denver held the first Columbus Day parade in 1907, and Colorado was the first state to celebrate Columbus Day, before it became a federal holiday in 1937. American Indians, both in North and South America, don’t much care for the day (in Venezuela, it’s called Day of Indigenous Resistance), accusing Columbus of introducing slavery to the New World and touching of centuries of genocide and oppression.
At this year’s parade in Denver, members of the American Indian Movement and other protesters spilled fake blood and scattered dismembered baby dolls along the parade route, and others stood in the street, trying to block the parade. Police arrested 83. Glenn Morris, a political science professor at the University of Colorado and one of those arrested, says he was angry about last year’s parade, which was led by re-enactors portraying a troop of US Calvary from the Indian wars of the late 1800s. Prof. Morris said the re-enactors were like nooses hung to intimidate blacks. [Police Arrest 83 Protestors at Denver Columbus Day Parade, AP, Oct. 7, 2007.]
Asians in MD
In a nice bit of racial pandering, Maryland Attorney General Douglas Gansler, who wants to be governor someday, established the state’s first Asian American Advisory Council. State Delegate Susan Lee praised the Attorney General’s decision: “This historic event marks the first time ever that our community — which is experiencing one of the fastest rates of growth, but has had a history of under-representation at all levels of government — has had such a high level of participation in our state’s top criminal justice agency. The Council . . . will assist Attorney General Gansler in ensuring that crimes against those in our community are prosecuted, that we are protected against hate crimes, domestic violence, racial profiling, identity theft, fraud, and many other crimes.” [Leaders Hail 1st Asian American Advisory Council in Maryland, Asian Fortune News, Dec. 2007.]
Those Other Indians
The Smithsonian Institute is planning a permanent exhibit on the history of Indian immigrants to the United States. Entitled “HomeSpun: Made in America,” it lauds Indian contributions “in the fields of information technology, medicine, civil rights, engineering, education, arts and culture, media and politics.” The Smithsonian already has exhibits on Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Filipino and Vietnamese immigrants.
Parag Mehta, Director of Training at the Democratic National Committee, says, “Our history has not been told . . . But the truth is that Indian-Americans have been a part of this country for more than 200 years.” Francey Lim Youngberg, Development Consultant for the Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Program, explains: “Unless your story is being included in the American narrative, people don’t see you as part of the American fabric. You will always be the perpetual foreigner.”
The exhibit is to open in 2009. [Geeta Goindi, $2M Eyed for Smithsonian Indian-American Exhibit, Asian Fortune News, Dec. 2007.]
Too Many Hispanics
The US Department of Labor routinely audits companies that do business with the federal government to make sure they obey federal hiring laws. “We’ll go in and we’ll look at who applied for the jobs and who was hired,” says spokesman Deanne Amadden. A routine audit of Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the nation’s largest private prison operator, found that its Central Arizona Detention Center in Florence, Arizona, hired too many Hispanics. “The result was that the non-Hispanics were not getting that job opportunity,” says the department.
CCA denies discriminating against non-Hispanics, but agreed to hire 16 non-Hispanics who were previously rejected, and to pay $945.32 each to 464 unsuccessful non-Hispanic job applicants. The company will also let the Department of Labor monitor future hiring. [CCA Pays $438,626 for Discriminatory Hiring Practices in Arizona, Prison Legal News, Sept. 7, 2007.]
Arizona inmates are probably overwhelmingly Hispanic. Perhaps CCA wanted guards who could talk to prisoners.
Capital of AIDS
According to a new report, the US city with the highest AIDS infection rate is Washington, DC. More than 12,400 people—about one in 50—have the disease, including 56 children who were infected at birth. Another 19,000 or so do not yet have full-blown AIDS but are HIV positive. Eighty-six percent of AIDS carriers are black, although blacks are now down to just 57 percent of the population. The report says that 37 percent of carriers were infected heterosexually, 25 percent homosexually, 13 percent with needles, 6 percent from mother to child, and the rest by unknown means. [Ian Urbina, Report Finds Washington Has Highest AIDS Infection Rate Among US Cities, New York Times, Nov. 27, 2007. America’s HIV/AIDS Capital, Washington Times, Nov. 27, 2007.]
Many black homosexuals pretend to be heterosexual, so some claims of heterosexual infection may not be true.
Although New Orleans needs to rebuild, clean flood damage, persuade residents to come back, and try to bring down its murder rate, the city council does not have enough to do. City council president Arnie Fielkow wants to create a new type of crime — “the crime of intimidation by use of hate symbols” — defined as putting a burning cross, a swastika, a noose or any other symbol in a public place or on someone’s property “with the intent of intimidating any person or group of persons.” Violators would get a $500 fine and six months in jail.
Mr. Fielkow says he is responding to an alleged increase in hate incidents brought on by publicity over the “Jena 6” case. The NAACP, the Anti-Defamation League, the Urban League, and homosexuals support the proposed ordinance. Tim Hornback, executive director of a religious group called the Forum for Equality, says “hate symbols have the same effect as a blow to the body.”
The American Civil Liberties Union doesn’t want a new law. As Executive Director Marjorie Esman explains: “This is an attempt to regulate people’s thought processes. Our position is that people can be accountable for the harm they do, but not the thought underlying the harm. I also think it would be impossible to get a conviction, because it requires knowledge of someone’s thoughts. You’d have to know their intentions, and sometimes that can be very difficult. There may be times when it’s impossible to tell the difference between intimidation and just communicating an idea.” [Bruce Nolan, Hate Crime Legislation Up for Vote, New Orleans Times-Picayune, Dec. 4, 2007.]
Not a Hate Crime
Early on the morning of Dec. 2, a white off-duty Boston fireman walked into a neighborhood restaurant in East Boston to get some take-out food. Several Hispanic men tried to pick a fight. He said he was a fireman who had just come for a sandwich, but the Hispanics started pushing him, saying, “We don’t want any gringo here.” The fireman got back into his car and drove the short distance to his stationhouse, but the Hispanics followed on foot.
“As soon as he got out of his car,” says Boston Fire Department spokesman Steve McDonald, “six guys jumped him and started kicking and punching him. He felt two sharp pains in his chest and knew he had been stabbed.” The attackers ran when the fireman rang the station doorbell and got the attention of men inside.
Although the Hispanics called the fireman a “gringo,” Boston police do not think the attack was racially motivated. [Laurel J. Sweet, Off-Duty Boston Firefighter Stabbed Outside Station, Boston Herald, Dec. 3, 2007.]
Several cities have introduced, or tried to introduce, ordinances banning the low-slung, baggy-pants look favored by black hoodlums. Many blacks say the bans are “racist,” and Dallas, Texas, is trying persuasion rather than force. In October, the city unveiled the first two of 17 anti-baggy pants billboards. They show a man, who looks suspiciously white, wearing his pants so low that his underwear sticks out over the top. The message: “Don’t be lame, elevate your game. Pullem’ Up!”
The campaign is the brainchild of a group called Hip Hop Government. Clear Channel, the media company, donated the billboards. Dallas Deputy Mayor Pro Tem Dwaine Caraway, who is black, is pleased. “We represent the citizens, and the citizens were having a problem looking at people with dirty underwear. . . . [T]hey’re now seeing for themselves the need to respect themselves and a need to have a respect for society.” [Cynthia Neff, Signs Urge Against Wearing of Baggy Pants, Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Oct. 24, 2007.]
Where the Blonds Are
The blondest region on earth is the band running from central Norway across Sweden and into Finland. Approximately 80 percent of the people living there are blond. Most of the world’s blonds therefore come from the area around the Baltic Sea. Fifty to 70 percent of people in the non-Celtic areas of Britain are blond, and even in the Celtic zones, blonds number from 20 to 49 percent. That is also the figure for Brittany, Galicia in Spain, and most of Central Europe. Blonds are fewer in the part of France that was inhabited by the ancient Gallo-Roman peoples. [The Blonde Map of Europe, StrangeMaps Blog, Dec. 4, 2007.]
BBC Discovers Whites
The British Broadcasting Corporation will air several documentaries this winter as part of its “White season” look at Britain’s white working class. The first is “White Girl,” about an 11-year-old who moves with her family to riot-torn Bradford, and ends up wearing a Muslim headscarf, or hijab. The BBC calls the film “provocative and emotional.” “Last Orders” is also set in Bradford, at the Wibsey Working Men’s Club. The BBC says, “Members feel that their very community is under threat and that racial tensions could erupt at any time.”
Third in the series is “All White in Barking,” a documentary “exploring prejudice” in a “multi-cultural” East London neighborhood. Jeff and Susan, a white couple, never say hello to their Nigerian neighbors because “they are not our people,” and a white man whose daughters are dating non-whites becomes a BNP activist.
According to the BBC, “The White season examines why some feel increasingly marginalized and explores reasons behind the rise in popularity of far-right politics in some sections of the community.” Roly Keating, a BBC official, adds, “The White season is a complex look at how life has changed for the white working class.” [BBC to Explore Britain’s White Working Class, Telegraph (London), Nov. 21, 2007.]
Browning of Canada
At more than 30 million, the United States is the Western nation with the largest number of foreign inhabitants, but at 13 percent, it does not have the highest proportion. That honor goes to Australia, with 22 percent; Canada is a close second at 20 percent. Canada’s total population in 2006 was 31.6 million, up 5.4 percent from 2001. The foreign-born population—6.2 million—grew at four times the rate of the native population, and accounted for 69 percent of the national increase since the last census in 2001. Nearly 60 percent of “new Canadians” come from Asia and the Middle East. Two-thirds of all immigrants settle in just three cities—Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver—and visitors immediately notice the large number of non-whites. Ninety-five percent of immigrants live in cities, whereas only 78 percent of natives do.
There are now almost as many foreigners in Canada as there are native French speakers, or francophones. Within Quebec, the number of francophones has declined to 80 percent of the population. The third most common language in Canada, behind English and French, is now Chinese. [Shannon Proudfoot, Immigrants Fuel Growth in Population, Workforce, CanWest News Service, Dec. 4, 2007. Meagan Fitzpatrick, Proportion of Francophones in Canada Declines, CanWest News Service, Dec. 4, 2007.]
The Other ‘N-Word’
Renault UK, the British arm of the French car maker, had to pull a recent ad that used the phrase “the N-word.” Designed around a campaign that promised dealers would not say “no” to customers, several print ads said, “For 10 days, we can’t use the ‘N’ word.” The British Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) received two complaints about the ad’s “racism.” Renault dropped the ads, and the ASA graciously declined to launch a disciplinary investigation. [Mark Sweeney, Renault Pulls ‘N-word’ Ad, Guardian (London), Nov. 22, 2007. Ciar Byrne, Renault Withdraws Newspaper Ad After Complaints of Racism, Independent (London), Nov. 23, 2007.]
“Multiculturalism,” says a new study from the British Labour Party’s favorite think tank, the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), “can be shown to provide for a fairer and more liberal society and does not necessarily lead to social division and community conflict, as its critics have claimed.” All it takes for multi-culturalism to work is a complete redesign of British society. Britain must “recast the civic oaths and national ceremonies, or institutions like Parliament and the monarchy, in a more multi-religious or secular form and make religious education less sectarian.” Immigrants must learn English and become acquainted with some aspects of British culture “if—but only if—the settled population is willing to open up national institutions and practices to newcomers and give a more inclusive cast to national narratives and symbols. Even-handedness dictates that we provide public recognition to minority cultures and traditions.” For example, “If we are going to continue as a nation to mark Christmas—and it would be very hard to expunge it from our national life even if we wanted to—then public organisations should mark other religious festivals too.”
The study has other proposals: “birth ceremonies” in which the state and parents pledge to “work in partnership” to raise children, flying flags other than the Union Jack, ensuring “access” by non-whites to the countryside, and removing Bishops from the House of Lords.
A Conservative Party representative said the report showed “a breathtaking misunderstanding of what it is to be British,” adding that “you don’t build community cohesion by throwing out our history and denying the fundamental contribution Christianity has played and does play to our nation.” The Conservative was Sayeeda Warsi, who identifies herself as “a Muslim woman.” [James Chapman, Christmas Should be ‘Downgraded’ to Help Race Relations Says Labour Think Tank, Daily Mail (London), Nov. 1, 2007.]
The Whiter the Better
According to the United Nations Human Development Index, Iceland is the best place in the world to live, followed by Norway, Australia, Canada and Ireland. All 22 of the lowest ranked countries are in black Africa, with Sierra Leone in last place.
The United States came in 12th, down from 8th last year. The US got high marks for GNP, but lost points for a relatively low life expectancy (courtesy of large black and Hispanic populations)—tied for 26th in longevity.
Japan has the world’s highest life expectancy, at 82.3 years. Zambia, in Africa, has the lowest at 40.5. Three African countries—Congo, Zambia and Zimbabwe—have lower life expectancies than they did in 1975. [United Nations: Iceland Best Place to Live, Africa Worst, Fox News, Nov. 27, 2007.]
More French Riots
In late 2005, young French blacks and Muslims rioted for three weeks, burning thousands of cars and dozens of buildings, and injuring hundreds of policemen. The riots were triggered when two young Muslims electrocuted themselves when they tried to hide from police in a power substation. The riots were partly responsible for the election of French president Nicolas Sarkozy, who was then Interior Minister and talked tough against the rioters.
Two years later, there was another fatal encounter between young non-whites and police. On the night of Sunday, Nov. 25, two teenagers died when they crashed a stolen motorcycle into a police car. More than 100 angry “youths” gathered at the crash site in the Paris suburb of Villiers-le-Bel, accusing the police of ramming the motorcycle and leaving the two boys for dead. The first officer who arrived to calm the “youths” was nearly beaten to death with an iron bar while rioters burned his squad car. During the next six hours, rioters burned 20 more cars, torched the town police station, and injured 25 policemen. The next night, in other non-white Paris suburbs, rioters burned a library, a nursery school, and a car dealership, and tried to set more buildings on fire by crashing burning cars into them.
Patrice Ribeiro of the Synergie police union says the violence was worse than in 2005, and that the rioters this time included “genuine urban guerrillas” armed with shotguns. Eighty-two officers were injured on the night of Nov. 26, ten by buckshot. Four were seriously wounded, including one who lost an eye and another whose shoulder was shattered when a bullet went through his body armor. “We have crossed a red line,” said Joachim Masanet, secretary general of the police wing of the UNSA trade union. “When these kids aim their guns at police officers, they want to kill them.”
The French government sent 1,000 riot police to the non-white suburbs on Tuesday, Nov. 27, and by Wednesday night the violence had stopped. Tensions remained high, and there were fears that if there were deaths on either side, the government might have to call out the army. [Rioting French Youths Demand ‘Truth,’ Australian (Sydney), Nov. 27, 2007. Katrin Bennhold, Riot Police in France on Alert for Firearms, International Herald Tribune, Nov. 27, 2007. Paris Rioters ‘Criminals’ Says PM, BBC News, Nov. 27, 2007. Matthew Campbell, France Stunned by Rioters’ Savagery, Times (London), Dec. 2, 2007.]
|LETTERS FROM READERS|
Sir—In the “O Tempora” section of the October issue you ran an item—“Taylor in Lansing”—that referred to the murder of white college student Laura Dickinson by a black student. The cover-up of this murder by the officials at Eastern Michigan University, probably all white, shows how far the “diversity gang” will go to ignore and/or conceal crimes committed against whites. The AR story failed to mention if university officials were arrested for the cover-up. And if not, why not?
Kenneth Reynolds, Bronx, N.Y.
The president of EMU, John Fallon, was fired when the extent of the cover up came to light, but he was not charged with any crime. —Ed.
Sir — In your review of Michael Hart’s Understanding Human History you cite Prof. Hart as asserting that Northeast Asians are more closely related to Caucasians than to Southeast Asians. This is almost certainly not true. In fact, the genetic chart in your March 1997 issue (“Diversity in the Human Genome”) shows the opposite, as do most recent studies of genetic clustering. I understand that according to Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza’s 1994 analysis, some Northeast Asian groups were found to be closer to Caucasians than to Southeast Asians, but that’s probably the result of methodological error.
Surprising assertions require convincing evidence, and since 1994 there has not been, in my opinion, evidence to support the view that Koreans are more similar to Englishmen than they are to Vietnamese. At the very least, can we not be agnostic on the issue, instead of supporting an uncertain interpretation that may be incorrect?
Ted Sallis, Tampa, Florida
Sir — I expect that everyone who has read Prof. Michael Hart’s magnificent book, Understanding Human History, will have been as impressed as I was by its powerful combination of facts, arguments, and overall vision.
However, there is one assertion I find unbelievable. On page 101 Prof Hart quotes, and seemingly accepts, a 1973 study of Australian aborigines that puts their mean IQ at 85. I believe the usual figure quoted for that group is around 62, which is far closer to what one would suspect on the basis of intellectual and technological achievements.
Anthony Young, London, England
Sir — I read with interest Jared Taylor’s two-part series, “What Science Says About Diversity” (November and December issues). However, he seems far more optimistic than I that the elites will admit the reality of racial differences. I’m still waiting for them to admit that the uplift programs of the Sixties were failures. Or even that the New Deal was a failure. There is no doubt these policies failed, but good luck trying to find a liberal—and our elites are all liberal—who will admit it.
Rather than concede that they are wrong about race and diversity, our elites are far more likely to follow the European path and criminalize dissent. After all, “hate” speech is not free speech, and to our rulers, any discussion of the science of racial differences is hate speech.
James Collier, Boston, Mass.
Sir — I applaud those Swiss who had the courage to vote for the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) despite the international media’s underhanded attempt to dismiss the party and its supporters as racists (see “Switzerland for the Swiss,” Dec. issue). Other European nationalist parties—especially the French National Front—should study the SVP’s campaigns over the past several years. They have become the largest Swiss party because they do not back down or give ground in the face of leftist criticism. I doubt very much that in a future campaign Christoph Blocher will be replacing his white sheep with North African immigrants in pink underwear in order to “soften” the party’s image.
Kent Lodge, Laramie, Wyo.
Sir — I liked Mr. Taylor’s survey of the research on “diversity” in the two previous issues. Of course, like most social science, the findings are obvious. It is interesting to know that the amygdala lights up when blacks appear, but anyone who has wandered into the wrong part of town knows something is happening in the brain. If scientists are surprised by their findings, it is only because they have been bamboozled by trendy myths.
Whites seem to have an insatiable craving to believe things that are obviously untrue, and the diversity-is-a-strength story is perhaps the most obviously untrue. That men and women have the same inclinations and abilities comes a close second, and that people of all races are interchangeable, would be an only slightly more distant third. The list goes on: There is nothing wrong with homosexuals, people are poor because society failed them, every child can be an A student, etc.
All these obviously nutty ideas have two things in common: Only white people fall for them, and they are part of what we call liberalism. Robert Frost once defined a liberal as someone who can’t take his own side in an argument. I would add — not as cleverly, I’m afraid — that a liberal must be capable of believing things that are patently false.
Tom Takahara, San Diego, Calif.
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