Posted on December 20, 2020

Preferences for the Majority

Jared Taylor, American Renaissance, October 2008

Malaysian Flag

In the United States, racial preferences are for minorities. Most Americans can hardly imagine preferences for the majority and — if they even think about it — assume that if whites become a minority racial preferences will be finished. They shouldn’t count on it. Malaysia had preferences for the majority Malays even before independence in 1957, and has only extended them as time has gone by. The people who pay the price, mainly the largely Tamil Indian population, complain bitterly, and although there has been some talk of leveling the playing field, Malays are not about to give up their privileges.

Over the course of several trips to Malaysia I have been struck by how similar Malaysia’s race problems are to America’s despite enormous differences between the two countries. The official Malaysian policy of discrimination against minorities may even be a warning of what the future may hold for us if we must some day live under laws passed by an increasingly non-white government.

Malaysia is about 60 percent Malay, 25 percent Chinese, and 8 percent Indian. According to Prof. Richard Lynn, who has done extensive work on population differences in intelligence, the average IQs of both the Malays and Indians are about 87 while that of the Chinese is 103 to 106. The gap between the Chinese and the two other races is therefore as wide as that between American blacks and whites, with the inevitable result: Chinese dominate the economy. Like the United States and every other multi-racial country, Malaysia faces the hard reality of racial differences.

Unlike Americans, who think black failure requires an explanation — and the official one is “racism” — Malaysians don’t seem to trouble themselves very much about why the Chinese do well and they do poorly. Perhaps mulling over the question might make them reflect on their own lack of ability. In any case, they don’t like being left behind, they have the power to do something about it, so they have. The result is a fascinating and instructive laboratory of multi-racialism.

Electronics and oil exports

First, though, what sort of country is Malaysia? Covering most of the Malay Peninsula and the northern third of the island of Borneo, Malaysia has a population of about 25 million. The Portuguese, who arrived in 1511, were the first colonizers. The Dutch took over from them in 1641, but were run out by the British in 1824. The British were themselves run out by the Japanese in 1942, but came back after the war and granted independence in 1957.

At that time, Malaysia was a sleepy exporter of tin, rubber, and palm oil, but it has developed rapidly in the last 50 years. Many Japanese companies have built factories, and electronics are now Malaysia’s main export. The country is self-sufficient in oil and even exports about 200,000 barrels a day, making oil and gas the second most important export.

Malaysia’s annual GDP per capita is the same as that of Argentina, at $13,300. For comparison, the figure for the US is $45,800, for Britain $35,100, Poland $16,300, Congo $300, and Zimbabwe $200. The world average is $10,000.

Income is not at all evenly distributed in Malaysia, and people with money like to show it. Most wealth is new, and this probably explains the spirit of unabashed consumption that rich Malaysians display. I was surprised to find lavish shopping malls in the two main cities of Kuala Lumpur and Johor Bahru. All the major European and American designer brands are on sale — at typical designer prices — and the country treats malls almost like national treasures. Hotels run shuttle buses to them, and locals point them out with pride. Malaysia even has a glossy magazine called Malaysian Tattler, which is packed with ads for $20,000 watches and $200,000 sports cars, devoted to the idea that life is hardly worth living if you are not a billionaire.

Mall crawling seems to be the favorite diversion for people between the ages of 15 and 45 — partly because malls are heavily air conditioned, which adds to their appeal in a country just north of the equator. Malls also have large public areas that serve almost as community centers, and put on events that are incongruously Western. I saw break-dancing contests at malls in both Kuala Lumpur and Johor Bahru — a vivid reminder of the average Malay IQ of 87.

The Sunway Pyramid mall near Kuala Lumpur is as garish a place as any on earth, and looks like a Las Vegas casino. When I was there, the main hall was turned over to the Malaysian police, who had a huge display of horrific traffic-accident photographs: people’s heads crushed by trucks, decapitated bodies, intestines splattered on windshields. The message? Drive safely. Most people paid no attention to what would have attracted a shocked crowd in the US.

If you close one eye and squint, Malaysia can seem to be an advanced country. From 1998 to 2004, the Petronas Towers, which appear in the photo on the first page, were the world’s tallest buildings, and are still the tallest twin towers. Inside, there is the inevitable high-gloss shopping mall. And yet, just a few blocks away in central Kuala Lumpur, the sidewalks are broken and garbage collection is erratic. The country is a queer combination of skyscrapers and open sewers. Perhaps it is the constant heat and moisture, but buildings quickly discolor and go moldy, and most were ugly even when they were new.

I was never in the countryside, but there are reported to be plenty of households that get by on the equivalent of $15 a day or less, and even in the cities there are ragged creatures who don’t seem to be living on much more. This sense of poverty hovering just out of sight makes the prices in the shopping malls seem all the more jarring.

I experienced Malaysia’s contrasts first hand. I broke a tooth on a Third-World stone in my breakfast, and was leery about going to a Malaysian dentist. I shouldn’t have been. Dr. Chua (Chinese, of course, and trained in Australia) had a very well-equipped office (in a shopping mall, of course) and gave me excellent service for perhaps a quarter of what an American dentist would have charged. I later learned the government encourages medical tourism, and that Malaysia treated 341,288 foreigners in 2007, mostly from Singapore and Indonesia but also from Japan, New Zealand, and Europe. If Dr. Chua is typical, treatment in the country’s 210 private hospitals is cheap and first-rate.

The wide gap between rich and poor means Malaysia is still a servant society. Even modest houses have a maid’s bedroom, and many people import help from Indonesia or the Philippines. The government reports there are some 325,000 foreign maids in the country. There are constant tales of servant-abuse, and the authorities have tried to regulate employment of foreign domestics, but without much success. Because the country is richer than its neighbors, it also has an illegal-immigration problem. Every so often the police roll up their sleeves and kick them out en masse. There is no liberal outcry as there would be in the United States.

Crime is beginning to be a problem, and people blame it on the stark gap between rich and poor. Malaysia now even has a few gated communities. Many crimes — including repeated illegal immigration — are punishable by rattan “strokes,” which are said to be laid on with more than symbolic vigor. As to be expected, crime is mostly a Malay and Indian problem, with Chinese virtually absent from crime statistics.

Malaysia is a boisterous parliamentary democracy, though the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), sometimes with coalition partners, has ruled the country since independence. Politics is a notorious tangle of money, corruption, and nepotism, and most of the top political figures are children or relatives of other politicians.

Malaysia has had an Anti-Corruption Agency since 1967 and occasionally it makes an arrest, but Nigeria has an anti-corruption agency, too. In August, chunks of concrete fell off a nine-year-old overpass in downtown Kuala Lumpur, nearly killing drivers below. The Anti-Corruption Agency went into action with great fanfare, vowing to flush out the culprits, but they did the same thing — with no results — when the same overpass had to be closed in 2004 and 2006 for safety reasons.

Islam is the state religion of Malaysia, but it is a relaxed version of Islam. Most Malay women wear head scarves and full-length dresses, but that doesn’t stop young Chinese women from stepping out in heels and hot pants. Many Malaysian men wear Muslim caps, and it is not uncommon to see them in the traditional Malay loose shirt and trousers known as baju melayu. A few women — it was explained to me that they would be foreigners from the Middle East — cover up head to toe, Saudi style, but their menfolk do not wear traditional robes. This makes for incongruous couples: a man in a T-shirt with his wife (or mother? or daughter?) walking behind, wrapped completely in black right up to the eyes.

Malaysians, like everyone everywhere, prefer light skin. Malays come in all colors, from light tan to chocolate brown, but the brown ones drive taxis while the light ones drive BMWs. The current Miss Malaysia, shown with friends in the photo below, is about three shades lighter than the average Malay. Color consciousness benefits the Chinese, who are light, but is bad for the Indians, almost all of whom are from south India and are very dark. As in India, skin lighteners sell well. When I marveled at a strangely white Malay woman, a Chinese man I was working with told me contemptuously, “I’m sure she uses skin bleach.”

Malaysia is a long way from Africa, and blacks are so rare they turn heads, but they have already made a name for themselves as crooks and swindlers. “African Scam Gang Member Shot Dead,” read the headline of an August 6 story in the New Straits Times, which did not follow prissy New York Times rules of leaving out racial identity. “Police fired a warning shot but the African lunged at the policeman,” explained the article. There are no black sports figures or entertainers, and the general opinion of Africans is very low.

Pornography is illegal in Malaysia, but women in advertisements are as nearly naked as they are in the West. Homosexuality is also against the law — the crime is called “carnal intercourse against the order of nature” — but only flagrant offenders are likely to be arrested. This summer it was big news when a swish young man accused Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of the opposition, of buggering him. The charges came just before an important by-election, and may well have been trumped up or at least encouraged by the government. Politicians can’t seem to keep their pants up, and the press takes as much joy in sex scandals as in bribery accusations. The government slaps down newspapers that get out of line, but they have to be quite far out of line; newspapers are tabloid-sized and lively.

A good number of Malays must be violating “the order of nature,” since the AIDS rate, at 0.4 percent, is not much lower than the American rate of 0.6 percent. There is no sex education in schools, nor is there much in the way of AIDS education. Malay women have an average of three children each, so the population is growing at about 1.75 percent a year.

So what can this Southeast Asian country teach us about race relations?

Article 153

In the 19th century the British found that the native Malays did not want to work in tin mines or on rubber plantations, so they imported people who did: Tamils from India. The British also found that Chinese immigrants were much smarter and harder-working than Malays, and worried that Chinese would completely dominate the country. The colonial government therefore deliberately steered business to Malays and recruited them for government jobs. They feared — rightly as it turned out — that Malays would turn ugly if they thought Chinese were getting too far ahead.

The British wanted Malays to keep getting a leg up even after independence, so when they drafted a constitution for the new country, they included Article 153 specifically to “safeguard the special position of the Malays and natives” through preferences in education, the civil service, and business licenses. Like most official preference provisions, Article 153 included mumbo jumbo that hinted at non-discrimination, but the message was clear: Malays come first.

The commission that drafted the constitution listed some of the colonial-era preferences and concluded that “Malays would be at a serious and unfair disadvantage compared with other communities if they [the preferences] were suddenly withdrawn.” They recommended, however, that “in due course the present preferences should be reduced and should ultimately cease.” As in the US, the theory of preferences was that once low-achieving groups were up to speed they could compete on their own. It doesn’t work that way because preferences do not raise IQ; programs that were advertised as temporary soon become entrenched.

After independence, the Malaysian government made it illegal to question or criticize Article 153, even by legislators in parliament, who are supposed to have immunity from censure. This prohibition is not enforced, but Article 153 is still a touchy subject.

Although the preferences were relatively mild, Chinese and Indians didn’t like them. Singapore became independent from Britain in 1963 and joined Malaysia in a political union, but its majority-Chinese population hated Article 153. Their leader and long-term prime minister, Lee Kwan Yew, raised Malay hackles by warning that Chinese could hardly be loyal Malaysians if they were second-class citizens. In 1964, Malays in Singapore rioted against the Chinese, killing 36 people. The riots were a big reason why Mr. Lee took his city-state out of the federation and made it independent in 1965.

The real blood-letting, however, came a few years later in Malaysia. The Malay-run government continued to practice preferences, but the Chinese kept getting richer. They also established ethnic political parties that, through clever alliances with other opposition parties, nearly brought down the UMNO government in the elections of May 1969. After the vote, the Chinese put on a victory parade through Kuala Lumpur, but spontaneously deviated from the planned route and went through a heavily Malay area, where they taunted and jeered at the inhabitants.

One of the Chinese parties later apologized, but furious UMNO leaders held a counter-procession. As the Malay crowd gathered for the march, there were rumors that Chinese had attacked Malays several miles to the north who were on their way to the demonstration. The marchers promptly knocked two Chinese off their motorbikes and killed them. This set off a rampage that did not stop until — according to official figures — 200 people were dead. Journalists and others thought there were as many as 2,000 dead. The riot of May 13, 1969, was a turning point in Malaysian race policies.

The next year, in what was widely seen as a reward for violence, the government set up something called the New Economic Policy (NEP), designed to increase the Malay share of national wealth from an estimated 3 percent in 1970 to a target of 30 percent. It was supposed to last no more than 20 years, but it has been continued under new names, such as New National Agenda and New Vision, so Malaysians still talk about the NEP. It is also known as the Bumiputra Program, from a Malay word that means “son of the soil” or “native.”

All Malaysians are officially divided into bumiputras, who get preferences, and non-bumiputras, who don’t. “Bumis” must be Muslim Malay stock, though they need not be from Malaysia. This means an immigrant from Indonesia gets preferences over Indians or Chinese who have been in Malaysia for generations. Some of the specifics of the NEP were that Malays got a 60 percent quota at universities, discounts on real estate, and a guaranteed 30 percent of all new issues on the Malaysian stock market. The civil service became a bumi reserve, companies owned by non-bumis were barred from government contracts, and it became even harder for Indians and Chinese to get business licenses. The NEP set aside millions of dollars to pay for overseas training for Malay students and executives.

The Chinese have learned their lesson: no more jeering or taunting. They keep quiet about their wealth but work harder than ever. Are they shut out of universities? They send their children to school in Australia or the United States. Can’t join the civil service? They get better-paying jobs as lawyers, accountants, and doctors in private hospitals. Have to sell 30 percent of the company to bumiputras? They still keep control, and use their legendary commercial skills completely to dominate the wholesale and import/export trades. They are, of course, the money behind the shopping malls.

In 1970, when the NEP went into effect, Chinese controlled 27 percent of the wealth. By 2000, despite discrimination, they increased their share to a remarkable 40 percent, mostly at the expense of foreign holdings, mainly British plantation and mining interests, which saw their share drop from 63 percent in 1970 to 25 percent in 2000. Chinese merchants outmaneuvered the British conglomerates just as their cousins did the “hongs,” or British magnates in Hong Kong.

The bumis did well out of the NEP; they have reached their target of 30 percent of national wealth, but the swag is very narrowly held. The Bumiputra Program does not take class into consideration, so the children of Malay millionaires invariably get the inside track on boardroom posts, overseas scholarships, business licenses, and plum government jobs. A smart, ambitious peasant can work his way into the middle class or maybe even into the top ranks, but this kind of social climbing is so rare it is written up in the papers. Even more than in most countries, if you are a Malay, it pays to choose your parents carefully.

The Indians get the scraps. In 1970, the year the NEP went into effect, they controlled an estimated 1 percent of the country’s wealth; by 2000 they had managed to increase that to only 1.5 percent. Many had lost their old jobs as rubber tappers or oil-palm farmers, as plantations were converted to housing estates and golf courses for rich Malays and Chinese. A few Hindu temples have been torn down to make way for highways, which makes Indians furious.

The most consistent Indian complaint, however, has been about university quotas. In 1998, Education Minister Najib Tun Razak, the son of the man who set up the NEP 28 years earlier, conceded that without their quota of 60 percent, Malays would qualify for only 5 percent of university places. Therefore, he argued, it was obvious that quotas were still needed.

By 2003, however, the stink over quotas was so great the government officially abolished them. Did that mean more Indians and Chinese got into public universities? No. The results were the same as in the United States. Preferences went into a murky underground, and even more bumis ended up going to college. As defenders of the Bumiputra Program have pointed out, equality of opportunity cannot be measured, but equality of results can. If Malays are 60 percent of the population they deserve 60 percent (or more) of everything.

The year quotas were abolished, UMNO Youth Information Chief Azmi Daim explained how the country works: “In Malaysia, everybody knows that Malays are the masters of this land. We rule this country as provided for in the federal constitution. Anyone who touches upon Malay affairs or criticizes Malays is [offending] our sensitivities.”

A few prominent Malays have spoken out against preferences. No less a person than the current prime minister, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, famously said in 2004, “Let’s not use the crutches for support all the time; the knee will become weak,” adding that bumis could find that when they got off crutches they would need a wheelchair. Most Malays were not amused. That same year, UMNO’s deputy permanent chairman warned during a speech to parliament that “no other race has the right to question our privileges,” and that any attempt to do so would be like “stirring up a hornets’ nest.” Just to be sure everyone understood what that meant, he waved a book about the 1969 riots as he spoke.

Malay politicians like props. In 2005, during an address to UMNO’s annual assembly, Education Minister Hishamuddin Hussein brandished a kris, or traditional Malay short sword, as he warned that non-bumiputras had better not criticize ketuanan Melayu of “Malay supremacy.” (Conrad readers will recognize in the word ketuanan the Malay word tuan, as in Tuan Jim or “Lord Jim.”) At the same meeting, Higher Education Minister Shafie Salleh assured UMNO party members that although education quotas had been abolished, the number of Malays admitted would always exceed the old quotas, and that one of Malaysia’s major institutions, Mara Technology University (UiTM), would remain all-Malay. (The school logo includes a small, “partly polished diamond” that symbolizes the university’s role of “improving the status of bumiputras.” Not surprisingly, UiTM does not have as good an academic reputation as the University of Malaysia, which lets in a quota of Indians and Chinese.) Both speakers got enthusiastic applause. The general sense among Malays is that this is their country, and this is the way they will run it; Indians and Chinese are lucky just to be citizens.

So what’s a non-bumi to do? As noted earlier, Chinese have found ways around the system and do very well. There is still a Chinese-dominated political party, but it works in coalition and does not try to get its men named as ministers. When I asked about preferences, Chinese took a philosophical view. They more or less accept what the Malays say: It’s their country and they set the rules. In private, Chinese acknowledge their own success, and don’t have much sympathy for Indians. “We work hard,” they explain. “So should they.”

“What if they’re not as smart as you are?” I wanted to know. This idea doesn’t shock them, but it doesn’t make them any more sympathetic, either. Indians can go back to India any time and reclaim citizenship. Most Chinese think Indians have made a choice and should live with it without complaining.

Indians don’t see it that way. All whom I spoke to said the system was unfair, and they look down on Malays as lazy and spoiled. They know why the British brought Indians over, and they have no kind words for Malays who glide into top schools, cushy government jobs, discount housing, and cut-rate car loans just because they are bumis. Indians don’t think highly of the Chinese either. They concede Chinese are clever but think they are thieves.

On one of my trips, an Indian man took me to an outdoor fruit stand to buy durian, a fruit with such a powerful stink it is never sold in stores or even allowed on public transportation. The Chinese proprietor asked for a lot of money, but my Indian friend said nothing, so I paid. Later I asked him if that was the right price. No, he said, it was about five times too much, but it was important that I understand what cheats the Chinese are.

Indians do not feel emotionally Malaysian. I asked several whom they would root for if a Malaysian team met the Indian team in the Olympics. For the Indian team, of course, they explained — though not in public. National loyalty goes only so far, however. When I asked Indians why they don’t go back to India, they invariably explained that even with its bumi problems, Malaysia has “better finance” than India, meaning they can make more money there than in India.

Indians want a fair shake. Last November, an estimated 20,000 marched in Kuala Lumpur and brought the city to a standstill for nearly six hours. They were demonstrating against the way the Malaysian government treats them but their official target was Great Britain. The stated purpose of the demonstration was to march to the British embassy and present a two-page petition addressed to Queen Elizabeth.

Why the queen? Three months earlier, the Malaysian-based Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf) had filed a class action suit in Britain, seeking $4 trillion in compensation for “150 years of exploitation,” that is to say, for having brought over Indian laborers. Hindraf wasn’t asking the queen for the $4 trillion. Instead, it wanted her to appoint and pay for a lawyer to argue its case, since Hindraf didn’t have the money. Some of the Indians waved posters of the queen, and marchers carried a banner that said, “The Queen of England — the Symbol of Justice, We Still Have Hope in You.”

Everyone knows Indians came voluntarily to Malaysia, and that the real target of the demonstration was the officially untouchable Article 153 and everything that flows from it. The Malaysian authorities were not going to put up with this. Several days before the march they officially banned it under a law against anti-government rallies. That didn’t stop the Indians, who poured in from all over the country, but it did keep them from delivering their petition. About 5,000 Malaysian police blasted them with tear gas and water cannon. There were dozens of injuries and about 200 arrests, and by the time the streets were clear they were littered with gas canisters.

The Indians called the day a success. “Malaysian Indians have never gathered in such large numbers in this way,” said Uthaya Kumar, one of the Hindraf organizers. He went on to list the standard complaints to Western journalists: “They [Indians] are frustrated and have no job opportunities in the government or the private sector. They are not given business licenses or places in university.” One Indian told reporters he has to pay a Malay front man every month to be the official holder of his trucking permit.

The Hindraf demonstration got a lot of attention but does not seem likely to change anything — the queen, needless to say, has kept her distance — and the official chatter about race in Malaysia remains the same. This summer, at the 2008 Malaysian Student Leaders’ Summit, Prime Minister Badawi jabbered about how the country had flourished because Malaysians love each other and accept differences. Just nine months after the Hindraf demonstration he told the students, “The country is rich in diversity and we must celebrate it as our strength.” In all official descriptions, race relations are wonderful and everyone gets along. The Malaysia National Museum in Kuala Lumpur has a history section that ends with a video of Malay, Indian, and Chinese children playing happily together.

Ironically, the same issue of the New Sunday Times that reported the prime minister’s bromides about diversity ran a column by Tunku Abdul Aziz, who warned that despite such claims, “Malaysia is still groping in desperate search of an identity. It is still very much a society in transition, subsisting in the main on suspicion, intolerance, and prejudice.”

In the same issue, yet another columnist, Suflan Shamsuddin, wrote of the dangers of ethnically-based political parties. He fears Malaysian elections are no more than racial headcounts in which voters ignore policy differences and vote only for their race. He did not call for a ban on ethnic parties, but proposed a complicated system under which candidates could stand for election only if they were in coalitions that included the right mix of all three races.

There are no signs Malaysia is going to be the only country in the world to solve the problems of race. Broad preferences for Malays will continue. Chinese will keep working the angles and will do fine. Indians will complain, but they know that the next time 20,000 of them try to defy a ban there could be worse than tear gas and water cannon. There may be a few adjustments here and there for Indians, but so long as Malays remain the majority — and Muslim birthrates ensure that they will — they will not give up their position of dominance.

The days of race riots are over for the Malays. As one Malay pointed out to me, in the 1960s, a bumi could burn a car or a nice house and be sure it was owned by a Chinese. Now, chances are it is owned by a fellow bumi. If Malays still have a grievance, it is the systematic corruption that keeps wealth concentrated in a few hands, but there is no organized effort to spread the wealth.

Some day, the Malays will have to accept the evidence and realize that the Chinese do better than they do because they are smarter. I predict it will make no difference. Their view will still be that Malaysia is their country, and they will run it to their own advantage.

There is something else white Americans would do well to bear in mind: Malays are a relaxed, easy-going people. During several weeks in Malaysia on several different trips, I never saw a harsh exchange between Malays, and was impressed by their pleasant demeanor. When I first flew to Kuala Lumpur I laughed at the advice Malaysia Airlines gives first-time visitors: “How do you say ‘hello’ in Malaysian? Just smile.” I don’t laugh anymore. Even in the cities, Malays are amiable and good-natured. Why do I point this out? Even a good-natured people can be driven to murderous rioting in the name of race, and can be very hard-nosed about ethnic interests.

I believe Malaysia conforms to what may be universal principles. When they are minorities, low-IQ groups welcome and even insist on preferences if a high-IQ majority is willing to offer them. We see this everywhere in white countries. When they are the majority, low-IQ people grant themselves preferences simply because they have the power to do so. That is clear in Southeast Asia, where virtually every country tries to control the Chinese.

In black Africa we see the same thing. High(er)-IQ Indian minorities face systematic discrimination, and in 1972 Uganda under Idi Amin expelled its Indians. (Britain, not India, took most of them in.) There is systematic discrimination against whites in the two black African countries where they have lived in substantial numbers: South Africa and Zimbabwe. As soon as blacks had power, they set about dispossessing the high-IQ whites. Blacks justify discrimination by calling it redress of grievances.

What does this suggest about the future of the United States? If whites do nothing, low-IQ populations in the United States will become a large-enough majority to pass laws and issue Supreme Court rulings. They will use their power legally to dispossess high-IQ minorities. Any ruling alliance of blacks and Hispanics will have fights and disagreements, but they will agree on one thing: that certain groups have more than they deserve and should be plucked.

In America, the justification for preferences was originally redress for grievances but mutated later into promotion of “diversity.” When our low-IQ minorities become the majority they will not worry about justifications. They may talk about “economic justice,” or about slavery and the Mexican-American War, but their principle will be very simple: Whites (and perhaps Asians) have wealth, blacks and Hispanics have power, so those with the power will take the wealth.

It is impossible to predict the details of the policies a non-white America would pursue, but there would be race-based policies. The Census Bureau has just reworked its figures, and predicts whites will become a minority in 2042 rather than 2050. That is just 34 years from now. Race will still be an intractable problem, and as Malaysia demonstrates, low-IQ groups will not lose their taste for preferences just because they have become the majority. Blacks and Hispanics may not set up a system as exploitative as those in South Africa or Zimbabwe but neither are they amiable people in the mold of Malays. If whites do turn their country over to aggressive, low-IQ groups, they can anticipate a broad system of legal exploitation that will make joining the Third World even more unpleasant.