Posted on October 25, 2019

A Police Officer’s View of Race

Ambrose Kane, American Renaissance, October 25, 2019

I am now retired after working for three decades in law enforcement, where I learned many truths about race. A police officer is forced to confront racial issues by the nature of the job. It is not something he or she can ignore, even if the work is not in communities with a high minority population. Race is part of practically everything an officer does, and the reality of racial differences becomes clearer the longer he does the job.

In my case, I was not a police administrator shuffling paper, but a cop who worked his entire career on the streets. Race was not something I could theorize about. It was something I saw every day in an up-close and sometimes violent way.

My first observation about race and police work was when I was around 10 years old in the early 1970s. It was on Hollywood Blvd in Los Angeles, and my father and I had just walked out of a barber’s shop. I saw two young LAPD officers chasing down a black man dressed in a stereotypical “pimp” outfit. When they caught him, they gave him the most serious thumping I had ever witnessed. My father and I stood there with our mouths agape watching this ordeal unfold.

As a young boy, I assumed the beating was justified because I trusted the police. After I had spent time streets, I thought the black must have resisted arrest — something I found out happens often.

When I was first hired as a police officer in the 1980s, the agency I worked for had black and Hispanic officers. A few were competent and professional, but there was a marked difference between them and the white officers. The more time I spent on the streets and with these officers, the more noticeable the differences became.

The majority of the supervisors and administrators were white and they kept the department organized and well-managed. I generally found the minority officers less professional in their demeanor and somewhat dull-witted. Blacks were loud, obnoxious, temperamental, and impulsive. Many were unfriendly towards whites, though I don’t recall a black officer saying anything anti-white to my face. Hispanics were quieter and less volatile. Both groups, however, rarely seemed to be as sharp as the white officers, though, of course, there were exceptions.

It was also well-known that minority officers were more likely to be promoted than white officers solely because they were minorities. White officers complained under their breath, but they knew little could be done about it because racial quotas were imposed on the department by federal mandates. Whites were expected to take it quietly: never to say anything or to file complaints.

White officers talked to each other about suing because of discrimination, but no one in any agency I worked for ever did. Many felt resentful because they knew the promoted minorities were less competent than the white officers. As the command staff filled with more non-whites, race preferences became even more apparent.

On one occasion I was called into the captain’s office. This is rarely a good thing. I was a proactive officer and I wrote a lot of tickets. After reviewing my citation data, the captain told me to ticket fewer minorities. I explained that I had not ticketed drivers because of race, but because of traffic violations. I also reminded him that the district I patrolled was dominated by minorities. This didn’t matter. The captain urged me to change my ways, because my actions would be seen as “racial profiling.”

So, the very thing I was urged not to do — pay attention to race — I was now forced to do because I had to make sure I did not ticket too many minorities. On any day if I felt I had cited too many minorities, I would make sure to ignore minority traffic offenders and ticket only white drivers. This taught me that while the system rails against racial bias, it engages in overt racism in order to appear “non-racist.” This is how crazy modern-day law enforcement has become.

I have worked for several police departments over the years, each with different racial demographics. Patrolling neighborhoods that are largely black, an officer gets an extremely high volume of radio calls. It will be constant, and if he is not able to keep up, he will soon get burned out and seek greener pastures.

The type of calls will almost always be high-priority calls such as an armed robbery in progress, a shooting, a stabbing, or multiple thefts. A good many of the calls will be violent. That is just part of working in a black ghetto. The pace is exhausting, but not because the area has a “gun problem;” it has a black problem. No one dares admit this publicly.

A patrol officer will meet decent black civilians, but the vast majority will either be indifferent, aloof, or outright hostile. When I patrolled the housing projects of a major city, the black children did not smile or wave. They gave me blank stares. For them, police meant Daddy or Mommy taken away in handcuffs.

Grassroots community groups held a rally to protest against the NYPD and federal ”gang” raids that are devastating communities of color across the city as well as the prison system. (Credit Image: © Erik Mcgregor/Pacific Press via ZUMA Wire)

I found that blacks would defend other blacks regardless of what crime they committed. Even though most claimed to be devoutly Christian, morality seemed to play no role in their lives. I eventually came to the conclusion that Christianity for blacks is largely an emotional thing that has little reforming influence on their lives. In black neighborhoods, you find a church — and a liquor store — on every corner.

At a press conference at the St. Louis County Justice Center, Michael Brown Sr. demands that the county prosecutor reopen the case involving his son and former Ferguson officer Darren Wilson. (Credit Image: © Steve Pellegrino/ZUMA Wire)

An officer working in a largely Hispanic area learns that while Mexicans are more tolerable than blacks, they have their own set of problems. Alcoholism and a deeply-rooted gang culture permeate their lives. Their communities are filled with illegal immigrants. They are also not the brightest people, and a good many from Mexico and El Salvador are illiterate.

In the past, few illegals could get driver’s licenses (some states now grant licenses to illegals), but they have no problem driving and violating our laws. They are like blacks in that while most of them are devoutly Catholic, neither their religion nor their conscience stops them from driving drunk or beating their wives.

Of course, whites commit crimes, but they tend to commit “white collar” crime. There is domestic violence, DUI, illegal drug use, and thievery, but not nearly at the intensity and volume common in black and Hispanic neighborhoods. An officer in a white community may have few or even no calls during a shift. A young officer who wants “action” may choose to work in a city; a veteran officer who has seen it all may prefer to end his career in a quiet, wealthy, white community.

A group of citizens hold an impromptu rally in support of the police. (Credit Image: © Mark Reinstein/ZUMA Wire)

I encourage white officers who work for minority-dominated big-city police departments to move to rural areas where there are many white officers. Trying to police crime-ridden communities with large numbers of blacks and Hispanics will drain the life out of any white officer. He will be deeply despised by the very people he is sworn to protect, and often viewed with suspicion by his own agency, particularly if the command staff is non-white. Again, there are exceptions, but this is the rule.

In law enforcement, race inequality is noticed and condemned only when the source is white men. To speak about “reverse racism” or point out that affirmative action is bias against whites will land an officer in serious trouble. We are always supposed to repeat, “Diversity is our strength.”

This mentality, of course, varies according to the number of white officers in the agency and whether it is rural or urban. Departments in big cities tend to be more blatant in their pro-diversity rhetoric, while smaller agencies in rural communities tend to be less persistent about it — although the multicultural agenda is always present in some form.

Whites may not speak openly about race but, blacks and Hispanics can say anything they like. I have heard blacks say the most “racist” things about blacks; if I had said the same things I would have been severely disciplined. Blacks and Hispanics who work among their own people can’t help seeing their degenerate and criminal behavior. Perhaps unknowingly they become “race-realists.” Race is not a “social construct” when you see the reality of crime, bad choices, and low IQ every day. But, of course, non-whites are also allowed to say demeaning things about whites as well.

Another double standard is that black, Latino, and Asian police officers’ associations are common, yet I know of no white police officers’ association. I strongly suspect that any attempt to organize one would be denounced as “racist” and found to be a violation of department policy.

It is common to speak of the school-to-prison pipeline that “unjustly and disproportionately penalizes blacks,” but the reality is that blacks get stiff prison sentences only after their crimes have piled up. It takes a lot to be sent to prison — although extremely violent crimes can result in a prison sentence even for a first offender.

The notion that blacks are sent to prison for just a “little marijuana” is pure mythology. Granted, a marijuana conviction (usually for trafficking) may be the final straw, but it’s the many prior convictions or the many failures to comply with probation terms that lands you in prison.

(Credit Image: © Nicolas Enriquez/ZUMA Wire/ZUMAPRESS.com)

In almost every case, blacks are given chance after chance to reform, and an array of government-funded “programs” to help them. Relatively few blacks take advantage of them, and recidivism rates are high. Moreover, blacks in large measure glorify the thug, the inmate, and radical opposition to “the man.” All of this encourages blacks to be hostile and to resist the lawful duties of police officers.

Blacks and their white enablers bitterly complain that officers target blacks, that they profile “people of color” for no reason. What most people do not understand is that a huge segment of the black population in most American cities is on probation or parole. As a condition of probation/parole, they can be searched by officers with no probable cause or reasonable suspicion. This is something they agree to before being released, and the courts have established this system to make sure probationers and parolees comply with their conditions.

For a without-probable-cause search to be legal, the officer must know someone’s status. All it takes is a 30-second computer check. Also, officers recognize many probationers: “frequent flyers” whom the police know well, right down to when their probation will end.

What may appear to be “harassment“ or “racial profiling” is almost always a check to see if someone is complying with probation/parole terms. Officers know that blacks are notorious for failing to comply. Examples of requirements would be “no marijuana permitted,” “not to consume alcohol,” “not to drive without a valid license and insurance in effect.”

My searches turned up guns, illegal daggers, drugs, and all sorts of contraband. Blacks are surprisingly unskilled at hiding things in places that might not be obvious. But a search is always dangerous because blacks will fight you in a heartbeat.

It is also widely known that blacks make almost every contact with the police worse. Even the most basic traffic stop can become a violent encounter. Blacks challenge the reason for the stop, often with a hostile demeanor. They are quick to accuse officers of “racism.” Every attempt by the officer to explain himself proves futile because the offender can’t be reasoned with.

Blacks almost seem addicted to the drama of the stop because they imagine that every law enforcement contact is based on hatred for black people. They even accuse black officers of racially profiling them.

Blacks in America have been taught from the time they were in elementary school that white police officers are “racist.” The history of “white racism,” slavery, “systemic racism,” lynching and the like is drilled into them daily. The anti-white propaganda never ends.

Thus, the very education blacks receive, coupled with the anti-white culture of their own communities, makes them see themselves as perpetual victims. A good many blacks are looking for their “gotcha” moment to prove how racially “oppressed” they are by white cops. They are looking for the “ghetto lottery” of suing the agency for a civil rights violation.

Many cities settle out of court, and not because the officer did anything wrong. It would cost more to fight in court, and cities with many non-whites know that the jury pool would probably be filled with non-whites who hate cops.

Radical groups such as “Black Lives Matter,” with their explicit declarations of wanting cops dead, are mostly backfiring because they force whites to see that there is little compromise with these people. Black lawlessness, including anti-social attitudes and hatred for whites, is slowing bursting the multicultural bubbles in which whites have lived for too long. It makes whites question the “diversity” mantra and see American blacks for who and what they really are.

“Black Lives Matter” does a more effective recruitment job for race-realism than American Renaissance. Liberal whites are alarmed when their “pets” turn on them. Many whites imagine that blacks are color-blind, whereas blacks see everything in terms of race. Blacks and other minority groups may play along with notions of a color-blind society, but they do not really believe it. They play along because it brings welfare benefits and can be used to manipulate whites.

Police body cameras are playing an important role in waking up the public. It was widely assumed that body cams would prove police racism. Many officers opposed cameras, which they thought would be used against them. Instead, cameras have vindicated officers who encountered violent blacks. Body cameras have shown just how volatile and deadly blacks become over the most seemingly insignificant matter. It has shown them to be a people who believe and act as if the laws everyone else is required to follow don’t apply to them.

Body cameras have proven to be so successful that it would not surprise me to hear calls from civil rights group calling for them to be banned. Perhaps it will be argued that cameras disproportionately paint “people of color” in a bad light. Blacks want a public image of their people that is “positive” and “uplifting,” yet their collective behavior points the other way.

Whatever one may say about segregation or “Sundown” laws, they were intended to keep blacks out of white society. They were meant to protect whites. This was not because whites “hated” blacks, but because a discerning and wiser generation understood that blacks behave differently from whites.

What has happened since the civil rights movement of the 1960s? Have American blacks become more law-abiding or less? Has their hostility toward whites diminished or increased? Have endless concessions to blacks make them more responsible and productive or less?

“Civil rights” and their aftermath have led to the almost complete ruin of once great cities. There was a time when police officers were the guardians of civilization and the law. Blacks were expected to comply with lawful authority, and in large part they did. Those days are over.

Everything has been turned upside down, and this is the world white police officers must deal with. Liberal attitudes about race have made their jobs so difficult and complex as almost to be impossible.