The epidemic of white-on-black violence is now celebrated among the Sunday morning chattering class.
They insist this crime is rampant and the president should do something about it, as we recently heard from the talking heads on the CBS Sunday morning show. Jimmy Carter says it too.
But the videos show a different story. The opposite story: that black mob violence and black on white crime is wildly out of proportion. Let’s take a look at a few recent examples–and by all means watch the videos in the links–in the few days before and after the first of September.
Harrisburg. 100 black people leave a local festival, ransack a convenience store, and vandalize more than 50 cars, including one belonging to the chief of police. The mayor said the large scale violence is “isolated.” and caused by poverty. The chief of said he is going to stop the repeated and large-scale lawlessness by “preaching” to the kids.
Two days after the riot, we learned another mob assaulted two white kids coming from the festival, breaking at least one jaw.
The local press finally had to ‘fess up’: “The beatdown also had a “racial overtone,” to it, said the chief of police. He said the attackers, who were black, yelled racial comments at the white victims, who had been “minding their own business.”
Atlanta. Hundreds of black people fought, destroyed property, and defied police for hours in and around the city’s underground transit system. The violence lasted for hours and followed the transit agency’s decision to give out free passes to “teens” that allowed them to go anywhere they wanted for Labor Day.
They went downtown and created mayhem.
Charlotte, North Carolina. A member of the U.S. armed forces was out for a night of rest and relaxation with a few friends. They did not know they were soon to be in the middle of a Black Lives Matter protest, where at least one of the protestors peeled off from the group to punch him in the face and break some bones in his face.
Police refused to return to the scene of the crime to help him ID his attacker. No one was arrested. Though hundred of Black Lives Matter protestors were close enough to see it. No one said a thing.
Olympia, Washington. Lots of people were wearing masks. And more than one white hipster was in the mix of more than 100 people in this capital city shouting “F*** the Police,” assaulting motorists, destroying property, and harassing cops.
The violence was just the latest in a series of protests that began last year when two black people tried to rob a liquor store and assault the clerk. When a cop showed up to stop them, they assaulted him too. He shot them.
Recently, the district attorney said the cop’s actions were justified and the actions of the would-be robbers were not. The Black Lives Matter crowd did not like that.
Durham, North Carolina. Five black people went on a ‘quick and dirty crime spree” where they robbed and assaulted 13 people within one hour. With guns. No one in Durham is saying they are surprised. Not anymore.
Cincinnati. When police responded to a “large vicious fight” two hours after the annual RiverFest fireworks, everyone was gone. No one was arrested. All that remained was a video of the violent event.
It might have been vicious, but it was not unexpected.
New York. This happens every year at the largest parade in New York City, the West Indian Parade: Large-scale black mob violence, drug use, property destruction, and chaos. So much so that cops arrange their vacations so they will not have to work during the mayhem.
The city assigns 4000 police to monitor the lawlessness–with instructions not to hassle anyone smoking dope or drinking in public. This year, several people were shot, including an attorney who worked for the governor.
In 2011, cops put up a Facebook page describing the dangerous event. Local politicians forced them to take it down for accurately describing the racial hijinks.
The New York Post covered this year’s violence and denial with a story that could have been from any of the last ten years:
NYPD sources said supervisors have traditionally urged restraint when dealing with parade-goers, with one cop saying the brass “forbid us from making arrests, no matter what we saw, because they didn’t want riots.”
“They’ve always downplayed the violence by saying shootings weren’t parade-related, unless someone was shot on the route, on a float. Then one year, someone was shot off a float,” said the cop, referring to an incident in 2003.
Cops routinely confiscate booze from revelers at the St. Patrick’s Day Parade, but detectives union chief Michael Palladino said he was ordered not to do the same thing at the West Indian-American Day Parade.
“In my 36 years with the department, that’s the only parade where I was told to look the other way,” Palladino said. “The political theme of decriminalization started at that parade decades ago.”
A retired NYPD cop said, “No one in their right mind wants to do that detail.”
“It’s the worst event of the year, in terms of violence, and it goes on for days,” the ex-cop said.
The day after the parade, the Mayor of New York went on Morning Joe to say New York has never been safer. The day after his appearance, we learned that city council members are funding some of the more violent parties out of their own public discretionary funds.
America. The Mirror out of London prefaced their account of this episode of black mob violence with a warning: The images are “distressing.” The headline tells the story, the video fills in the details: “Three women attack man with baby car seat and baseball bat in violent street fight.”
No one seems to know where it was except somewhere in America.
St. Louis. 50 to 100 black people fought and destroyed property at a train station. No one was arrested. Or surprised.
Ann Arbor. A large group of black people taunted, harassed, and beat two students from the University of Michigan. No one knows why, other than members of the school’s black studies department who are pretty sure the white kids did something to deserve it. Either then–or sometime in the last 400 years.
Detroit. “A hapless carjacker failed to get away with the crime after his gun jammed, he forgot to release the parking brake and let a witness go, saying: “You good, I only rob white people,” said the Detoit News.
Pompano Beach. A black woman attacked a white bus driver–punching him at least 8 times, on video. She was arrested. He was suspended without pay.
A black woman in Fresno objects when a teacher refuses to return her cell phone during class. So she punches him several times, much to the amusement of her classmates. This scene has played out in thousands of black classrooms in America.
Willowbrook, Illinois. A white woman is talking publicly about how a black man beat and raped her–stabbing her 17 times in the process and leaving her face a bloody, scarred mess. The Daily Mail picked up the story:
The man “asked her for money for gas to get back to Indiana, but Schuster said she was sorry but she couldn’t help.
She recalls how she then closed the garage and went inside her house. Suddenly, the same man knocked at the door, asked for money, and then barged his way inside.
She then suffered a frightening attack and was stabbed multiple times and sexually assaulted inside her home.
Meanwhile, President Obama’s favorite novelist, Toni Morrison, is still waiting for a white man to be arrested for raping a black woman. Which almost never happens.
Westland, Michigan. Almost the same story, almost the same day: A black man knocks on an elderly white woman’s door, asking for some kind of help. She refuses. He breaks in. He was beating and biting and choking her when two maintenance workers break it up before it got too bad.
Grand Rapids. A 13-year black person was convicted of stabbing to death a 9-year old white boy at a playground–while the victim’s younger brother watched. Moments before, they asked him his name and invited him to play with them.
In New York City, a black mother turned her son in for the assault and attempted rape of an Asian woman after seeing pictures of him on the local news. He was usually a good boy, she said.
New Brunswick, New Jersey. Five black members of the Rutgers football team were arrested, accused of being part of a ten-person home invasion robbery spree.
Minneapolis. “Three robberies hit cyclists on Midtown Greenway,” says the local paper. All the suspects are groups of black people. White bikers and hikers are the softest of targets for black mob violence on dozens of trails around the country–documented in that scintillating best seller, Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry.
Kansas. In small town middle America, white parents are getting used to the black mob violence that is now an everyday part of the curriculum. If it were not on video, you would not believe it. And school administrators would not admit it. Many more examples in Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry.
Cypress Lakes High School, Texas. Same story. Same result.
Zion, Illinois. A 72-year old woman out for a stroll on the McClory hiking path is attacked and loses two teeth in the assault by a black person. He did not rob her. Cops are increasingly frustrated that in places like the McClory path, where black on white crime happens regularly, people do not know the danger they are in because reporters and public officials ignore, excuse, deny, condone, encourage, and sometimes even lie about the frequency and intensity of black on white crime.
Madison, Wisconsin. A large group of black people were involved in mob violence. When the cops showed up, the mob turns on them: threatening, harassing, attacking. Saying they wanted to kill the cops. All the while some jailhouse lawyer in the back of the crowd is explaining why what the cops are doing is not legal.
Dover, Delaware. Same night. Same story. Same result. With a twist: one week later, the local paper runs a story wondering why cops are not nicer to black people.
Macon, Georgia. Two hundred black people were fighting, destroying property and creating mayhem on Martin Luther King Boulevard at 3:15 a.m.
Late night fights that take place after the clubs are closed are known as Let Out Fights–and are easy to find in every bigger city in America every night. Google it. Or read about it in Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry.
Fighting, resisting arrest, then complaining about police racism is a sport in places like Macon.
Rochester, New York. Local media found it newsworthy that on the first day of school, there were no large-scale episodes of black mob violence. No word yet on Day Two.
Fitchburg, Wisconsin. A bunch of black people attack an old white dude, knocking him out.
Long Island, New York. The athletic director of a local high school is suing because he was fired for enforcing academic standards on his school’s athletes. He says he was released after receiving threatening phone calls from parents and school officials who wanted to know why he was trying to hurt the black children.
Syracuse, New York. Three black people were stabbed during a large fight at the New York State Fair. That is the 20th episode of black mob violence I have documented at a fair or carnival since March. Lots more from last year and the year before in Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry.
No one was arrested. So statistically, it never happened.
Dayton. A black woman beat a 90-year old white dude in his home after he refused to give her money.
Seattle. Ten black people beat two tourists from Rhode Island after one of they accused the visitors of bumping into them. The tourists had no idea that black mob violence and black on white crime is an everyday fact of life in that town.
In Oakland, California, local media was in a frenzy about a black man who was beaten bloody and unconscious while minding his own business and buying groceries at a Whole Foods grocery store.
It just so happens that a college professor from Oxford, England–a world authority on black victimization–said she saw it. And the black man was completely without fault.
Soon after, others spoke out. They talked about how he was trying to buy items like cat food with his EBT card–food stamps. And how he became belligerent with the cashier, manager, and finally security guard–spitting on at least one of them and refusing to leave.
The Professor of Victimization somehow forgot to mention that.
And in Wilmington, Delaware, the author of the scintillating best seller Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry was editing this very article when a black man fired a gun in front of his house. When the author looked up, he saw the black person fire six more shots, then flee.
All in the last two weeks.
But let’s stop here: My fingers are getting tired.