Posted on February 1, 2021

Which Way, White Man?

John Jackson, American Renaissance, February 1, 2021

Greg Johnson, White Identity Politics, Counter-Currents Publishing, 2020, 150 pp. $15.00 (softcover)

Counter-Currents editor Greg Johnson has published his latest book, White Identity Politics, a sequel to his popular White Nationalist Manifesto. Most of the material has previously appeared on his website and supports the view that “white identity politics is inevitable as a consequence of multiculturalism, necessary if whites are to survive, and completely moral.” Dr. Johnson explains the three basic concepts of white identity politics — “kinship, culture, and love of one’s own” — and ends with an outline for building a political movement for whites.

White Identity Politics by Greg Johnson

Since 2015, mainstream authors have published many books about identitarians, nationalism, and populism, and Dr. Johnson examines a number of them, including José Pedro Zúquete’s The Identitarians, Yoram Hazony’s The Virtue of Nationalism, and Francis Fukuyama’s Identity. These and similar works contain useful information for nationalists and make surprising concessions to our views. In one chapter, Dr. Johnson looks at Ashley Jardina’s White Identity Politics, which cites recent polling on race and politics to show that  between 52 percent and 73 percent of white Americans consider their own racial identity at least moderately important to them. Thirty to 40 percent think their race has “a lot” or “quite a lot” to be proud of. Only 14 to 25 percent believe “white privilege” is real, and only 16 to 23 percent think it is unnecessary for whites to mobilize politically to defend their group interests.

These numbers are surprising — and encouraging. Few whites are completely deracinated, and a sizable minority expresses racial pride, despite the taboos. Further, Prof. Jardina finds that these people “do not significantly overlap with Americans who have negative attitudes about other races.” In other words, white identity is not about “hating” blacks or other non-whites. Dr. Johnson argues we should see these whites as potential supporters. He wishes there were a think tank to conduct research on how to “bring them further along . . . [and] deepen their awareness.”

Dr. Johnson also reviews National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy by British academics Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin. Though published by a mainstream house, National Populism analyzes Brexit and the election of Donald Trump without the usual hysteria. The authors argue that these and similar events are neither a rebirth of fascism nor the doings of a fringe group. Instead, national populism will stay popular because of what the authors call the “four Ds:”

Distrust: the feeling that elites do not have their interests at heart. Dealignment: people no longer identify with established political parties. Destruction: the damage, including cultural alienation, done by immigration and multiculturalism. Deprivation: declining standards of living among the middle and working classes due to globalization.

National Populism by Roger Eatwell and Matthew Goodwin

Dr. Johnson cites many polls to show that ideas held by white advocates are popular in the West. An Ipsos-MORI survey conducted after the 2016 presidential election showed that only a quarter of Americans thought immigration was good for the country. The figures are even lower in France (14 percent), Italy (10 percent), and Hungary (5 percent). Another poll found how many Europeans would support a complete ban on Muslim immigration: 71 percent in Poland, 65 percent in Austria, 64 percent in Hungary and Belgium, and 61 percent in France.

Dr. Johnson argues that white identitarians should align themselves with national populism, which has very broad support. Almost three quarters of Europeans believe that politicians do not care what the people think. Many people agree with a similar polling question: “Political rulers don’t care about people like me.” The global average is 63 percent, with many European nations higher: Poland (71 percent), Italy (72 percent) and France (78 percent). In the United States the number is 67 percent.

People identify strongly with their own people. According to the World Values Survey, in many countries, the majority “strongly agree” with a national identity: 64 percent in Russia, 61 percent in Estonia, 57 percent in Sweden and 52 percent in Poland. The vast majority of people in white nations are either “quite proud” or “very proud” of their nationality. Here are figures for “very proud:” Australia (70 percent), Poland (60 percent), New Zealand (63 percent), Spain (55 percent) and the United States (56 percent). Majorities would be willing to fight in a war for their nation, including 71 percent of Poles, 69 percent of Swedes, 65 percent of Romanians, and 58 percent of Americans.

Many people agree with the idea of world citizenship, but fewer “strongly agree” — from 10 percent in the Netherlands to 27 percent in Sweden. Rejection of world citizenship is highest in Belarus (50 percent), Russia (45 percent), Ukraine (40 percent) and Germany (36 percent).

Most EU citizens agree with the statement, “I see myself as a citizen of the European Union,” but only about a fifth strongly agree. The number is highest in the divided nation of Cyprus (34 percent) and reaches lows of 6 percent in the Netherlands and 12 percent in Germany. In some countries, many people do not see themselves as EU citizens: 40 percent of the Dutch and 41 percent of Germans. EU politicians are more likely to feel very attached to European identity than the general population (over 70 percent). Fully 71 percent of elites in EU nations say they benefit from the EU, while only 34 percent of ordinary Europeans say they do.

The last chapter of White Identity Politics, “The Uppity White Folks Manifesto,” sets out goals for racially conscious whites. First, we must increase the white share of the population. We must raise the white birth rate, cut non-white immigration, and increase the number who leave the country through repatriation and other means.

The government should improve the lives of whites through specific programs to solve the opioid crisis and end deaths of despair. The government should also “secure the cultural dominance” of whites. The language, culture, and history of white American should be the norm for all.

Dr. Johnson hopes that breaking the taboo against white racial consciousness will “unleash the floodwaters of white identity.” The first step — and this well-reasoned and accessible book is sure to help many take it — is to convince people that there is nothing wrong with taking our own side.