Ilana Mercer, American Renaissance, October 15, 2020
Easily, if one is a Beltway conservative. They complain a lot about Critical Race Theory, and construct elaborate theories around its crass cornerstone, yet seem constitutionally or congenitally incapable of calling it what it is: anti-white agitprop.
One Federalist piece, “Critical Race Theory Is A Classic Communist Divide-And-Conquer Tactic,” brings it back to communism. Quite how this adds up is unclear, but the author decries a way of thinking that exploits the amorphous “tragedy of racial divisions in America.” In essence, some bad people with a communistic manual and mindset aren’t interested in healing us. Boohoo.
Really? Did communism, an equal-opportunity oppressor, revolve around the exclusive blackening of whites?
Western democracies are third-way political and economic systems. They are already heavily socialized. Once Western societies go from third way to third world, debate over communism will cease, for communism will have arrived.
In other words, dissecting and decrying communism is an ideological luxury, the province of relatively wealthy, stable, developed democracies.
America is indeed racially divided. Blacks, for the most, hate whites for a variety of unjust reasons, not least the incessant, institutionalized, propagandizing by other progressive whites. They want to hurt them and make them pay. For what? For everything; for whatever is wrong with their lives. Deal with this and reject it, Beltway boy. Communism is but an intellectual crutch.
By deferring to communism and identity politics, and ducking anti-white animus, the ever-quaking conservatives cloak themselves in the raiment of respectable argument.
Then there is that Uriah Heep like obsequiousness. Going by the aforementioned Federalist writer, conservatives refuse to even take credit for the “oppressive” culture for which Europeans are being berated. Ludicrously, they universalize the creed, the Protestant Ethic.
Recall the “Smithsonian display on whiteness” that condemned as “white” all elements of a civilized society, including politeness, hard work, self-reliance, logic, planning, delayed gratification, and family cohesion.
“None of those are ‘white’ values,” assures our Federalist apologist, as she criticizes Critical Race Theory for framing them as white.
Imagine being so obsequious and apologetic as to wash your hands of a really cool thing you invented, evolved or were born into: Western civilization.
Almost all these values are most pronounced in the European culture. One might even pin them down to Western Europe, because the sanctity of a man’s word, the handshake, culminating in the legally binding contract — these are some of the cultural and religious values that allowed capitalism to take off particularly well in the Anglosphere. Arguably, these are not part of the East European ethos.
Crypto-conservative Dave Rubin, of YouTube fame, also won’t say “anti-white.” Critical Race Theory is . . . wait for it, “racist.” Racist? Is Critical Race Theory anti-black, anti-Hispanic, anti-Asian, anti-Amerindian?
Even City Journal’s Christopher Rufo, a formidable warrior against institutionalized Critical Race Theory, still can’t bring himself to say it.
By Rufo’s definition, Critical Race Theory is “a radical ideology that advocates the overthrow of capitalism, meritocracy, and equal protection under the law.” Sure. But those base objectives are secondary to singling out whites for a punishing program of reeducation, subjugation and intimidation.
Douglas Murray is, indubitably, one of the more articulate, neoconservative second-handers, whose book, The Strange Death of Europe, cribs its title and theme from George Dangerfield’s 1935 The Strange Death of Liberal England.
Across the pond, Murray finds himself wandering the streets of central London, only to be plunged into trammels of despair by “Black Lives Matter” imagery, projected over the city’s “vast screens.”
The “sinister rotation of images beaming out over London’s most famous junction” were “a horrible sight, not just for the threatening iconography, but for the profanity,” shudders Murray.
He describes the culturally atavistic attire and utterances to which we Americans have willingly habituated. Black Lives Matter imagery is, invariably, that of masked men, women and children all gesticulating and grunting in gangster grammar against “white people.”
For some reason, Murray’s Piccadilly Circus sojourn is conducive to a literary detour, in which he shows himself to be deficient in the sourcing department.
Although Murray swanks, in a tangent, about correctly attributing a quotation, he errs and must be corrected. Bear with me.
“If not us, then who? If not now, then when?” is not originally by civil rights activist John Lewis. Rather, it is a distorted riff of an ancient adage by the Jewish sage and scholar, Rabbi Hillel (110 B.C.- 10 A.D.):
If I am not for myself, who will be for me?
If I am only for myself, what am I?
And if not now, then when?
Perhaps I, as a Jew, should call that “cultural appropriation” and plagiarism.
Back on terra firma, our English commentator effectively describes the culturally alien hysterical apparitions that dog him across central London.
There is “a black man wrapped in chains with a manacle around his neck and a gas mask covering most of his face.” There are “crowds of frightened people, shouting, screaming, yelling, and crying” about democracy denied.
Exported from America, Black Lives Matter “iconography” is too horrible to behold. In Murray’s context, it constitutes a cultural colonization of London, that most English of cities.
When he comes up for air, however, Murray fizzles, meekly blaming . . . the media for pushing a “narrative of disunity and dissent.”
All the current crop of conservatives can muster, seemingly, is to accuse Critical Race Theory peddlers within and without the hive media and academia of preventing multicultural America from having that big group hug we all crave and know we are capable of.
Denied, the systemic war on whites will not end well. Witness my homeland of South Africa.