Posted on January 21, 2025

White Advocacy Is for All of Us

Gregory Hood, American Renaissance, January 21, 2025

Credit: Leigh Prather / Alamy


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The only people who say they are “beyond left and right” are people their opponents call “far right.” White advocacy is nominally on the Right because it defends hierarchy. Leftism is egalitarian. We defend the interests of our own race, and races are not equal.

However, if someone is not just a race realist but also a white advocate, there is a sense in which he is egalitarian and collectivist. Racial identity means that being part of a people has inherent worth. It means that every white person is important because he or she is white. All are our people. Race is our extended family.

Patriotism is similar. We owe more loyalty to countrymen than to foreigners. Patriotism grew out of racial or ethnic solidarity when European countries were homogenous, but today it is largely an abstraction.

It is easy to sneer at it, but national loyalty is still the bedrock of the international system. Even the most decadent liberal democracy has stern penalties for treason. And — only when it suits them — liberals piously warn us we must protect our “sovereignty” from “foreign interference.”

Historically, nationalism has at least some left-wing elements. It assumes that the masses, or at least the middle class, will participate in politics. The true reactionary Right — philosophers such as Julius Evola and statesmen such as Metternich — were skeptical of nationalism and other movements that promised to give the masses a voice. In the 19th century, nationalists wanted to unite Germany in the name of the people, not to benefit local princes. The Risorgimento in Italy led to a constitutional monarchy with an elected lower house in parliament.

Italian nationalist leader Giuseppe Mazzini explained the purpose of nation:

Without country you have neither name, token, voice, nor rights, no admission as brothers into the fellowship of the Peoples. You are the bastards of Humanity. Soldiers without a banner, Israelites among the nations, you will find neither faith nor protection; none will be sureties for you. Do not beguile yourselves with the hope of emancipation from unjust social conditions if you do not first conquer a Country for yourselves.

Progressives admire patriotism in non-white countries, even as they scorn it in whites. Someone who is a radical individualist for America can approve of fierce blood-and-soil loyalties for others. With few exceptions, everyone is a nationalist for the people he likes.

More broadly, a person’s fate is generally linked to that of his political and ethnic community. A person who benefits at the expense of his group is a traitor, and a society of traitors won’t survive.

Only the wealthy can move from country to country indefinitely. Most of us must belong to a political community, and even the richest man with seven passports is less secure than a middle-class citizen of a truly independent, national state.

Modern white advocacy holds that race is the most salient identity today. Non-whites see us as white, not as “Christians,” “Americans,” or “Westerners.” So do those in power. Government, business, and academia treat you as white even if you do not identify that way. Class is secondary, because, unlike race, it’s not immutable. For non-whites, though, race trumps class solidarity. One of the reasons economic elites prize “diversity” is because it makes it harder for workers to organize. White racial consciousness is potentially the most powerful political force in the world. That’s why it must be suppressed.

We live in the age of mass democracy. Donald Trump thrives on a populist Right, to the disapproval of many American conservatives. Now, we are witnessing another sad episode in the American Right’s self-sabotage.

American conservatism is built on an awkward fusion of libertarianism and residual Cold War hawkishness. Conservatives tell us to defend America, but America is also a universal nation not defined by race or culture. They give us tiresome debates about the “Woke Right” and whether white people are allowed to resist oppression without being guilty of a liberal victim complex. Often, it seems that the purpose of Conservatism Inc. is to tell us that our principles forbid us from defending our interests. The story of the Trump years is one of the conservative base turning its back on Conservatism Inc.

Since its base is almost entirely white, the whole thing looks like one giant containment effort to thwart white racial consciousness. Conservatives’ musings are supremely self-interested: defending cheap labor rather than nation, race, or religion.

White Americans are essentially a stateless people. Though we founded and sustain the country, we have no real stake in its success as a political entity. The government discriminates against us, funds propaganda against us, and replaces us with aliens. White decline in the United States and throughout the Western world under American hegemony is unprecedented outside of catastrophic military defeat. And because there is no respectable “alternate” political expression, whites are left with Old Glory and the Constitution. The people at whom the elite sneer at most — rural whites — are the backbone of patriotism and the core American identity. Those whom the system rewards most are the ones least likely to defend it. Can we reclaim this America?

Most thought it impossible, at least until Donald Trump. If Donald Trump fails, there may not be another chance. Perhaps Steve Sailer put it best: “White Americans are behaving more and more like how Americans Indians have long behaved, as a defeated and despairing race.” It is a political and spiritual defeat, but its consequences are like those inflicted on Germany after the Second World War.

Whites can still act. A white American, even now, has more opportunity than most people. “Deaths of despair” are partially inflicted on us and partially inflicted by us. So is white guilt. With issues this big, it is never a neat choice between suicide or murder.

Some of us have more options than others. Those with power constrain the behavior of those below, and hard work can take you only so far. Things are being done to downwardly mobile whites; they are not choosing this. If forced to pick, I call the death of the West murder, not suicide. People follow incentives and they are getting the wrong ones.

Consider JD Vance. He made his reputation with a searing portrayal of Appalachian degeneracy. He is not without sympathy for his fellow hillbillies, but he managed to defy his upbringing. But like Jim Webb, who paid tribute to the Scots-Irish in Born Fighting, this tribune of his people married outside his race. Far more than in Born Fighting, one can sense Senator Vance’s ambiguous feelings about his upbringing. Initially, Mr. Vance opposed Donald Trump and was a favorite of Conservatism Inc. because he seemed to suggest tough love and individual effort would solve Middle America’s problems. Hillbillies, in short, should be like his Indian wife: work hard and get ahead. Now, to the consternation of his former allies, Mr. Vance is a champion of Middle America. MAGA is not about joining the elite but punishing it.

Mr. Vance’s is the story of Middle America. Are we responsible for our own woes, just need to work harder, and should learn from model minorities? Or are we repressed and replaced and must rise up? I believe it is the latter. Mr. Vance made his own decision. He doesn’t scold his fellow hillbillies to study harder. He rallies them to Donald Trump.

The whole story of the Republican Party over the last decade is Donald Trump’s populist approach trouncing established Republicanism. There is no winning coalition in wanting the Chamber of Commerce to shame feckless Americans. Even the most ambitious and intelligent white man depends on circumstances and power. Could Elon Musk have accomplished what he did in black-run South Africa? Today, could a young JD Vance be admitted to Yale Law School?

The last election can be seen as upwardly mobile Democrats running on a platform of defending “democracy,” abortion, and the technocratic Biden approach to inflation. Mr. Trump ran as the champion of everyman. He even “worked” a day at McDonald’s and posed as a garbage man. The garbage truck will reportedly be in the inaugural parade. Mr. Trump made inroads into union workers, notably the Teamsters, and said he would end taxes on overtime and tips, and deliver higher wages. Economic worries drove voters away from the Democrats, with more saying they were worse off now than they were even after the Great Recession. A new Fox News poll found that voters want Mr. Trump to put immigration and economic concerns first. Success will depend on whether he brings high wages, combats inflation, and lowers the cost of living.

Just after the election, Vivek Ramaswamy kicked up a stink with his comments on Americans’ supposed laziness, with Elon Musk agreeing soon afterward. Now, leading conservative activists say young men should work at fast-food joints instead of complaining about a lack of opportunity.

Conservatism is becoming the ideology that justifies downward mobility — but only for white men. No one is telling young or non-whites to work at Panda Express. These days, almost any non-white who can string a few sentences together can get a nice job by claiming to be conservative. White men are supposed to settle for jobs that will never let them marry or buy a house. The Democrats just lost an election by telling incredulous Americans that the economy was strong; some on the Right seem to think that strategy will work for the Trump Era.

We have gone from telling coal miners to learn to code to importing foreigners who will make sure Americans won’t get coding jobs. It is absurd that Chris Rufo, who has done great work showing how DEI stacks the deck against whites, is now telling whites to get jobs in companies that have been biased against them for years. Mr. Rufo is married to an Asian.

About 70 percent of Americans between 22 and 40 say they can’t afford a house. Inflation and higher interest rates have increased the cost of living. A $70,000 salary might have been middle-class in 1990, but a middle-class life at that salary has gone the way of the $5.00 Subway foot-long. You would now need to make $145,000 to have the same purchasing power. This is especially insulting because the H-1B debate showed that America is importing foreign scabs to price Americans out of jobs — even at Panda Express.

Young men, including many non-whites, backed Donald Trump because of the economy. The white working class is now the Republican base, backing Donald Trump over Kamala Harris by 66 percent to 32 percent. Yet there are weaknesses in this coalition. White working-class women were actually more likely to back the Democrat in 2024 than in 2020, probably because of abortion. However, Donald Trump still lost non-evangelical white working-class voters by eight points, an improvement on last time, but still worrisome if the GOP wants to be the “workers’ party.” Without Mr. Trump’s personal appeal, the new GOP base will fracture quickly if Republicans can’t deliver on their economic promises. Immigration law enforcement will help white working people.

There is a growing radicalism that benefitted Donald Trump, but it could turn against the GOP. Progressives say capitalists promote racism or xenophobia to justify crackdowns on workers. In fact, capital just wants cheap labor and more immigration, but resentment is powerful in politics. Now, Democrats have a president they can accuse of “scapegoating” immigrants and promoting “oligarchs” such as Elon Musk. Jubilation over the murder of a healthcare executive is just the beginning.

If President Trump cannot deliver material benefits, an overtly socialist Left could take over the Democrat Party. If President Trump fails, a young, non-white challenger preaching AOC-style “economic justice” could become a serious contender. The Great Recession and the bank bailout gave us Barack Obama. If the populist Right does not use public anger to its advantage, the Left will, and the American Left hates racially conscious whites more than anyone else.

There is a loveless synergy emerging between MAGA Republicans and white advocates. Our core constituency is the same: whites struggling to stay middle-class in the face of replacement migration and a ferociously anti-white culture. The traditional heart of any right-wing movement is those from the patriotic middle class who fear downward mobility. Leadership in revolutionary movements often comes from aspiring elites who think the existing system keeps them out. Young, ambitious white men feel that way about DEI America, but the Left can’t resist insulting whites. Conditions are perfect. Will the American right blow this opportunity? Will it keep jabbering about grit and hard work? Is it that important to feel superior to Zoomers?

Young whites are right to be furious at think-tank drones and scribblers talking down to them and telling them to be content. Their future has already been traded away. Their decline is part of the Great Replacement.

To conclude, it is presumptuous to write about politics. You are telling people in power what to do. You know what is best for other people — at least you think you do.

But it’s people who work in the trades, make things, and create value who matter. We don’t. Nor do our rulers. We are ruled by parasites. All I can try to do is undo some of their damage. I want to end the exploitative anti-white system — to work myself out of a job. A healthy society doesn’t need “white advocates.” A normal country put citizens first and is devoted to “ourselves and our posterity.” A true leader, as Frederick the Great said, is the first servant.

We owe everything to workers and to young people — and nothing to “the economy.” Nor do we care about a “country” that doesn’t even prefer citizens over foreigners. Especially when the people lecturing us about individualism or free markets make exemptions for their own racial loyalties, ethnic networks, and government patronage that comes their way.

White advocacy is saying that our fate is tied to that of our people. We fight for racial advancement, not for enough money to escape a decaying world. Instead, we want a nation — a world — worth living in. Whites have done more than anyone else to make such a world possible. There will be no livable future unless whites have a future.

Too many young whites and workers see no future. It’s no wonder they give up. We don’t breed in captivity. Without real hope, who can fault them for going radical Left — or taking fentanyl. They don’t want to work at a counter for 30 years. They want a country they can call their own and that offers them a future. We should do whatever it takes to give it to them. That is our job.

About Gregory Hood

View all posts by Gregory Hood
Mr. Hood is a staff writer for American Renaissance. He has been active in conservative groups in the US. You can follow him on Gab.