Why We Are White Refugees Coalition, thepetitiosite.com
We the Undersigned, herewith Petition:
[A] The UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres, to co-ordinate this White Refugee signatories petition, by submitting it on behalf of the Petitioners, to Minister of Citizenship & Immigration: Mr. Jason Kenney; and/or his Counsel: Deputy Attorney General of Canada: John H. Sims, HQ.
[B] If Leave to Judicial Review, is granted, by the Federal Court of Canada; Petitioners herewith request that Minister of Citizenship & Immigration for Canada, and/or his Counsel: Deputy Attorney General of Canada, submit this Why We Are White Refugees Petition, as an enclosure to their Application for Review, to the Federal Court of Canada, for their due process consideration;
[C] the Federal Court of Canada, to Please Take Notice that:
 We support the 27 August 2009 ruling of Board Member William Davis of the Refugee Protection Division of the Immigration and Refugee Board the (“RPD”), in file number MA8-04910, wherein the RPD found Brandon Carl Huntley to be a Convention Refugee, as a result of:
[1.1] South Africa’s serious human rights problems, including police use of excessive force against suspects and detainees, which resulted in death and injuries, vigilante violence and mob justice: violence resulting from social, racial and ethnic tensions;
[1.2] Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) law requires employers with 50 or more employees to ensure that previously disadvantaged groups, collectively constituting more than 90 percent of the country’s population are represented adequately at all levels of the workplace;
[1.3] Affirmative Action that has stripped the country of 75 percent of its skilled population and is responsible for the deprivation of the constitutional and social rights of white South Africans;
[1.4] As reported by the SAIRR, over a fifth of white South Africans have emigrated over the past ten years, their main reasons being crime and affirmative action;
[1.5] White Poverty is growing, as a result of AA & BEE legislation which reserves 80 percent of new jobs for blacks and favour black-owned companies for tenders;
[1.6] Killings and other violent crimes against farmers and their families continue in rural areas; and farmers are concerned that they are being targeted for racial and political reasons;
[1.7] Farm Murders: There are 40,000 white farmers in South Africa. Since 1994, over 2,000 farmers have been murdered in thousands of farm attacks, many brutally tortured and slashed or raped. Some victims have been burnt with irons and had boiling water poured over them, or down their throats.
[1.8] The Mandela “rainbow” revolution has become a cloud of gloom; where 40 percent of South Africans live below the poverty line, and unemployment is between 23–40 percent; violence runs unchecked throughout the country, and a woman is raped approximately every 26 seconds, where less than 1 percent of rape convictions lead to a conviction. Murderers also run free, without about 19,000 murders in 2006, more than 50 per day;
[1.9] A report documenting that most of ANC members are racist: this report states that it is time for the ANC to face up to the fact that most of them are racist and marginalized non-supporters and that it is the policy of the ANC and its endemic corruption that has brought South Africa to the brink of civil war;
[1.10] Police Corruption: Police Corruption is endemic and the chances of reporting corruption, ever seeing daylight are slim indeed.
[1.11] Brandon Huntley was attacked personally, because of his white skin
[1.12] DA Leader, Mr. Tony Leon’s accuses the ANC goverment of indifference to the lot of minorities, and hostility to whites;
[1.13] All of the above and more, shows a picture of indifference and inability or unwillingness of the goverment and the security forces to protect White South Africans from persecution by African South Africans.
[1.14] The objective evidence of living as a white person in South Africa, is that crime and violence resulting from social, racial and ethnic tensions contribute to a socio-political culture with a very significant possibility for white South Africans to be repeat and persistent, and systemic victims of excessive violence during any criminal acts, perpetrated against them by African South Africans; as a result of a socio-political cultural climate where the State is deliberately and intentionally unwilling to protect white South Africans; because they are white South Africans.
 We are further informed that the Minister of Citizenship & Immigration, has launched an Application for Leave to Judicial Review, of IRB: Mr. William Davis, aforementioned decision on 27 August 2009
 Furthermore that such application for Review, is allegedly based upon the implication that aforementioned ruling made by IRB: Mr. William Davis was in error, not based upon facts, or without regard to the material before him, etc.
 We herewith take the opportunity to inform the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, of the following additional information, in support of IRB: Mr. Davis, aforementioned 27 August 2009 decision, in the matter of Brandon Carl Huntley, should the ANC Goverment have failed to provide Minister Kenney, with an impartial assessment of reality in South Africa for white South Africans:
[4.1] According to Congress of the People (COPE): Brandon Huntley’s disillusionment with the State’s refusal to protect him from crime, is symptomatic across all colourlines; and attacks against whites are a direct intended consequence of ANC policies, and their cynical campaign to exploit fears based on race; and their intentional, populist and extremist attempts to whip the masses up into a frenzy of anti-white sentiment; with ‘Wit-Gevaar’ (White Danger) being one of the watchwords of post Polokwane “divide and conquer” blameshifting tactics.
[4.2] According to Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP): In South Africa a major way of problem solving is mob rule, where protestors confuse protesting with vigilante criminality; which implies a breakdown of the rule of law; and the militarization of politics. South Africa’s violence is a direct result of, the ANC and UDF’s ‘struggle’ strategies of ungovernability, that was used to incite the youth and people of the townships to violence, which included mob justice in the form of necklacing, shooting and other violent acts against those deemed to be the enemy. The ANC, has not honestly confronted, how current levels of violent crime, are a result of the ANC’s decision to take up arms against apartheid, and forsake peaceful nonviolent civil disobedience protests. To this day, the ruling party continue to glorify the struggle violence; as justified and admirable; by honouring former Umkomte we Zizwe terrorists, who blew up white civilians, including babies; and statements such as those oft repeated by Peter Mokaba, of “Kill the farmer, Kill the Boer”.
[4.3] Transvaal Agricultural Union reported, that: the sheer savagery of the extremely brutal attacks on farmers include: an elderly farmer whose head was opened by an axe, a lady of 84 who was repeatedly raped, a year old baby set alight; farmers strangled, garotted, mutilated, dumped into boiling water, suffocated, slashed with pangas, repeatedly stabbed, tortured with hot irons, etc. That in farm attacks, extreme violence is widespread, and if women are present they are generally raped; torture is now fairly routine and cruelty to animals pervasive. Racial slogans, sometimes in the blood of the farmers, on walls, is extremely commonplace.
[4.4] In another TAU report: on Police Corruption, Crime Statistics manipulation, and conviction rates; TAU report that:
[4.4.1] For every 1000 crimes reported in South Africa, only 430 criminals are arrested. Of these, only 77 are convicted and barely 8 of these are sentenced to two or more years of imprisonment. It is also calculated that South African convicts have a 94% recidivism rate (that is, 94% of all persons released after serving a sentence immediately become involved in crime again).
[4.4.2] A 22-page United Christian Action draft report, Murder in South Africa, by Robert McCafferty, based on original source documents, government archives, the Central Statistics Service, Interpol, the South African Medical Research Council statistics, and many other sources reveals confusion amongst the crime data quoted by the various government departments.
[4.4.3] Victims surveys have consistently uncovered between 60% and 70% more crime than reported by official sources. Upwards of 50% of crime in many serious categories goes unreported. For example: While police crime statistics show that there were 21 683 murders in the year 2000, the Medical Research Council puts the figure at 32 482. The Department of Home Affairs quotes 30 068. This is a third more murders than reported by the SAPS, a discrepancy of more than 10 000 murders. How can various departments of the same government fail to agree on how many people were murdered in South Africa?
[4.4.4] According to Interpol, South Africa has the highest recorded per capita murder rate of the countries covered in their report for 1998, with Columbia second. In that year, Interpol recorded the per capita murder rate in the USA as 6 per 100 000, while in South Africa it was 59 per 100 000.
[4.4.5] A report from the World Economic Forum claimed that South Africa’s organised crime was second only to Columbia’s, with its frightening drug cartels and Russia, with its omnipresent mafia. Their report claimed widespread corruption in the South African Police Service, where one in four police officers in the greater Johannesburg were under criminal investigation at the time of the report.
[4.4.6] Police estimate that there are currently “about 700 extremely well financed and superbly armed crime syndicates operating in and from South Africa”. However, it was also reported that “not a single ring leader of any of the 700 crime syndicates operating in South Africa has been arrested.”
[4.4.7] The Nedcore Project has concluded that: “South Africa and Southern Africa are probably the most murderous societies on earth, even with the probable under reporting.”
[4.4.8] The Nedcore Project claims the results of their surveys “underscore the fact that crime has become South Africa’s pre-eminent sociological problem. It now eclipses even unemployment in concerns of all South Africans.”
[4.4.9] The bizarre behaviour of the ANC government in, at one stage, imposing a moratorium on crime statistics is also questioned. The report shows that in the first seven years of ANC rule, violence and crime in South Africa increased by 33%, officially.
[4.4.10] The UCA Report on Murder in South Africa reveals that according to the official statistics, in the 44 years from 1950 to 1993, there was an average of 7036 murders per year. This covered the turbulent strife of the apartheid years of warfare, conflict, terrorism, riots and repression.
[4.4.11] By way of comparison, in the first eight years (of peace) of the new democratic dispensation, under the ANC, an average of 24 206 murders were committed each year.
[4.4.12] Sharp discrepancies between official statistics and those of Interpol and the Medical Research Council are considered. One observer is quoted as saying that the “easiest way for the police to reduce the crime rate is simply to do nothing but record only those crimes where a case number is absolutely mandatory”. Numerous experts are quoted as suspecting “serious under reporting”; “perhaps these figures are concealed for political reasons”; “the reason for this under reporting could be the desire to change the ongoing reputation of South Africa as the crime capital of the world.”
[4.4.13] However, the Crime Information Analyst Centre (CIAC) of the South African Police Services is quoted as offering some socio-economic explanations for the horrific crime rate in South Africa: “Urbanisation of the youth extremely conducive to crime the role of rapid, abnormally high rates of urbanisation (and urban unemployment) when influx control was removed in 1986, it released a massive urbanisation process a massive influx of especially young work seekers (economic refugees) to our cities from especially neighbouring countries, but also from as far afield as Nigeria, Morocco, Europe and China at least 6 million undocumented immigrants live in especially our cities massive unemployment, with no extended family (social support network) and subsistence economy to support their basic needs.
[4.4.14] During the years of political struggle many members of the former security forces and liberation armies were trained in guerrilla warfare skills, like intelligence gathering, ambush techniques, the handling of firearms and explosives, etc. Many of these combatants are now out of work and many of these skills can be used to commit hijackings, house and armed robberies, bank robberies, and robberies of cash in transit.
[4.5] Two Reports by the Helen Suzman Foundation, and Historian, Robert Johnson (South Africa’s Brave New World: The Beloved Country since the End of Apartheid), report that in October 1999, Sifiso Nkabinde, former ANC boss of the Kwazulu Natal Midlands, began to provide information to the press how he and his associate Bruce Mhlongo, in company with various ANC leaders, had carried out a number of major bank robberies, and cash-in-transit heists. He was murdered two weeks later.
[4.6] A recent news report, by Daily Mail, UK: The Secret Race War in South Africa, that threatens to overshadow the World Cup, documents that:
[4.6.1] There are no official figures but, since the election of Nelson Mandela in 1994, farmers organisations say 3,000 whites in rural areas have been killed. The independent South African Human Rights Commission, set up by Mandela’s government, says the number is 2,500.
[4.6.2] The commission’s report into the killings does not break down their figures by colour; but it says the majority of attacks in general–ie where no one necessarily dies–are against white people and that ‘there was a considerably higher risk of a white victim of farm attacks being killed or injured than a black victim.’
[4.6.3] It states that since 2006, farmer murders have jumped by 25 per cent and adds: ‘The lack of prosecutions indicates the criminal justice system is not operating effectively to protect victims in farming communities and to ensure the rule of law is upheld.’
[4.6.4] What is certain is this: since the mid-Nineties, 900,000 mainly white South Africans have emigrated from South Africa–about 20 per cent of the white population–most of them due to soaring crime rates. In an eerie parallel with Zimbabwe, farms have been reclaimed by unqualified workers. The police say don’t fight back. You must fight. It’s the bullet or be slaughtered.
[4.6.5] The ANC government’s response to this has been largely defiant. As Charles Ngacula, Safety and Security Minister under the previous administration of Thabo Mbeki, said: ‘They can continue to whinge until they’re blue in the face, be as negative as they want to, or they can simply leave this country.’
[4.6.6] Driving around Mpumalanga Province, east of Johannesburg, in what used to be the Transvaal, I found myself called by the farmers to a string of grisly murder scenes. In some the blood was still drying on the furniture or the street. In others, witnesses gave me accounts of killings involving rituals of extreme brutality: of victims boiled alive, forced to kneel and shot execution style and tortured in ways so unimaginable they are too horrendous to print. The same goes for the many pictures I have been shown of the barely identifiable corpses and horrific crime scenes.
[4.6.7] This after all is the country where the President, Jacob Zuma, used as his election campaign song an old war chant from his days in the ANC’s military wing, Mshini wami–‘Bring me my machine-gun’. And where YouTube posts include footage of Mandela singing another song, ‘Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer’. Mugabe may be a pariah across the world but in South Africa he has long been given standing ovations and rapturous applause at ANC events.
[4.6.8] For all South Africa’s aims to be following the rule of law, there are comparisons here with Zimbabwe and other calamitous reforms under the banner of ‘Africa for the Africans’.
[4.6.9] Cops tracking cases lack experience. Dockets vanish and criminals get out.
[4.6.10] ‘The aim is to scare white people. The attacks are not just crimes. They’re political. You don’t wait for a farmer for eight hours, kill him and steal a frozen chicken. In warfare you learn to soften the target, and the aim is to break us mentally and spiritually.’
[4.6.11] What the farmers dub ‘hit squads’ are well armed with AK-47s, deploy in gangs and if they are ever arrested they are allegedly found to be from outside the district–‘recruited’, the farmers say, from cities hundreds of kilometres away.
[4.7] News reports that document: Black Man says it is not a crime to rob whites; Black Man Shouts to White Victim, “We are going to kill all you Whites”; ‘Blacks tell elderly white couple, ‘We will kill all you white Dogs”
[4.8] In a letter to from the Boerevolk Organisation, to the Canadian Ambassador, they document, the genocide of white farmers, with a list of names of murder victims, including the ANC’s ‘training camps’.
[4.9] Adriana Stuijt, the retired Sunday Times Journalist, who fled South Africa as a result of targeted violence, because they were white, has relentlessly documented on her Uncensored News Blog: Afrikaner Genocide Archives, that the crime experienced by whites in South Africa is no ordinary crime wave, but a form of genocide, as stated by the the world’s top expert on the subject of Genocide, Dr Gregory Stanton–a former US state department legal expert who set up “Genocide Watch”
[4.10] Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer, Murders: Racially motivated or ‘just crime’?: It is well known that the ANC-electorate’s most popular chant still remains “Kill the Boer, kill the Farmer”. A few examples:
[4.10.1] This was the slogan which on April 1, 2009 was daubed in the victims’ blood on the walls of a Free State homestead–in a horrendous incident which was barely reported in the English-language news media because of the clearly racist nature of this crime. The news media merely reported it as a ‘robbery’, but nothing of any value was robbed when two Afrikaans women, Alice Lotter, 77, and her daughter Helen, 57, both in frail condition, were attacked by a group of young black males and tortured to death at their farm in Allenridge near Welkom. The police examining the crime-scene needed trauma-treatment afterwards. According to forensic evidence, the Lottering mother and daughter had died excruciatingly painful deaths: first they were tortured by being stabbed with broken glass bottles into their vaginas and stabbed all over their bodies. One of the women also had her breasts cut off while she was still alive–(the so-called ‘harvesting for traditional medicine”) and then both of these women’s blood, police forensics found, had been used to paint the ANC’s anti-Afrikaner hate slogan “Kill the Boer Kill the Farmer” on the walls of their homestead. They were then allowed to die slowly, by strangulation: i.e. they were hanged by their necks after their excruciating torture.
[4.10.2] In the same month two Afrikaans farmers were murdered, whose sexual organs were “harvested for traditional medicine” while they were still alive.
[4.11] According to Justice Malala, a journalist working for the Times:
[4.11.1] Corruption in the public service is so rife, so endemic, so all-pervasive, that ordinary South Africans regard it as the normal way of doing things. In the municipalities, virtually no tender is awarded without some politician’s or official’s relative, friend or business associate being in on the game. If they are not, a bribe is paid.
[4.11.2] In queues for government services, even when dealing with the police, bribes change hands as a matter of course.
[4.11.3] The first problem here is that the ANC believe that they are entitled to enrich themselves, at the public purse. This is the culture.
[4.11.4] That culture starts at the top and permeates the whole system. Morality, values, have all disappeared.
[4.11.5] South Africa is headed for the failed state status of Nigeria, and Zimbabwe, if the culture of bribery, lack of service delivery and impunity of public officials continues; unless something is done–soon.
[4.12] In a report, The South African Police Service: An Organisation on the Brink of Collapse, by Ivan Myers, an SAPS specialist; that documents the collapse of the SAPS, causes and consequences; he states among others:
[4.12.1] Many communities are not very cooperative with the police because they perceive the police as a joke, when they see the polices inability to exercise literacy skills, and the police’s general reluctance to respond to complaints.
[4.12.2] It is interesting to note that Ask Afrika’s Orange Index gave the SA Police Service a 0% rating whilst private security companies achieved a 60.71% rating. What is even more disturbing is that Chicken Licken outlets achieved a service rating of 53.57% which, if it was feasible would make it appropriate to report crime at your nearest Chicken Licken outlet.
[4.12.3] Most cases are shoddily investigated from the outset and suspects are released due to lack of evidence associated with the poor investigation techniques of the police. The courts continually criticize the Service for the manner in which they conduct their investigations, yet nothing is done. The reason is quite simple; the Service has lost the capacity to do anything about it as all the skilled detectives have left the Service or have been placed out of their fields of expertise leaving the blind to lead the blind.
[4.12.4] Crime Statistics, especially in the Western Cape are the be-all and end-all of policing. Statistics are easily manipulated on the computer system. Where a station has a high rate of Robberies for example then the charges are altered to theft off person. Attempted rape is recorded as indecent assault etc. In many instances . . . the public are turned away from reporting serious crimes thereby no record of the crime is on the system and a reduction is shown.
[4.12.5] Corruption and Morale: Corruption in South Africa and in particular the SAPS has become a cultural norm that is prevalent across the African continent. Endeavours to curb corruption or report malpractices by conscientious members of the Service are met with scorn and claims of racism at best. When malpractices are reported the individual making the report can expect a future of misery and endless departmental charges and eventual dismissal.
[4.13] South African Citizens Views on Affirmative Action, and Black Economic Empowerment Laws: A report released by the Helen Suzman Foundation, Who Needs Affirmative Action?, Focus Survey, 19 Sept. 2000, provides evidence of three surveys done, which document that the majority (over 60% of South Africans of all colours, support merit, over AA or BEE):
[4.13.1] A 1994 Post Election Survey on Affirmative Action revealed that 61% of all voters, including 52% of Africans wanted to see appointments made strictly on merit, “even if some people do not make progress as a result”.
[4.13.2] A 1996 Survey on Affirmative Action found that only 23% of voters took a hardline position in favour of affirmative action, whereas 54% were clearly opposed believing either that “There should be special training of African/blacks but the best applicants for jobs should be appointed whoever they are,” or that “There should be no such policies and jobs must go strictly on merit.” A middle group of 22% believed that “preference should be given to African/blacks, but if others are better qualified, they should get the job.” Thus 76% regarded merit, not race, as the overriding criterion.
[4.13.3] A June/July 2000 Affirmative Action Survey, found that 22% took a hardline position in favour of affirmative action, while 56% took a hardline position against it, with a middle group declining to 19%.
[4.14] Who are the ANC’s Paymasters?
[4.14.1] During the 2002 Elections, it was common knowledge that Al’Qaeda had made significant funding contributions to the ANC.
[4.14.2] During the recent elections, a report in the Mail and Guardian, ANC’s Dodgy Funders, states, that the election effort was heavily subsidised by the ruling parties in Libya, Angola, China and India.
[4.14.3] The ANC also received funds from oil-rich Equatorial Guinea, one of Africa’s most notorious dictatorships.
[4.14.4] The Libyan dictator Moammar Gadaffi, has long been a major funder of the ANC’s election campaigns. For example, when former president Nelson Mandela visited Gadaffi in 1994 he returned with $40-million in briefcases to fund the ANC’s election effort.
 Is the South African Government committed to the Social Contract, with White South Africans?
[5.1] The South African Goverments Response to South Africans who complain about Crime in South Africa: In parliament, Safety and Security Minister, Charles Nqakula, informed “you whites”, that complain about crime to ‘get out of the country if you don’t like the crime.’
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