Steven D. Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner, Slate, Apr. 11
These are the sort of questions that led to The Causes and Consequences of Distinctively Black Names, a research paper written by a white economist (Steven Levitt, a co-author of this article) and a black economist (Roland G. Fryer Jr., a young Harvard scholar who studies race). The paper acknowledged the social and economic gulf between blacks and whites but paid particular attention to the gulf between black and white culture. Blacks and whites watch different TV shows, for instance; they smoke different cigarettes. And black parents give their children names that are starkly different than white childrens.
The names research was based on an extremely large and rich data set: birth-certificate information for every child born in California since 1961. The data covered more than 16 million births. It included standard items like name, gender, race, birthweight, and the parents marital status, as well as more telling factors: the parents ZIP code (which indicates socioeconomic status and a neighborhoods racial composition), their means of paying the hospital bill for the birth (again, an economic indicator), and their level of education.
The California data establish just how dissimilarly black and white parents have named their children over the past 25 years or soa remnant, it seems, of the Black Power movement. The typical baby girl born in a black neighborhood in 1970 was given a name that was twice as common among blacks than whites. By 1980, she received a name that was 20 times more common among blacks. (Boys names moved in the same direction but less aggressivelylikely because parents of all races are less adventurous with boys names than girls.) Today, more than 40 percent of the black girls born in California in a given year receive a name that not one of the roughly 100,000 baby white girls received that year. Even more remarkably, nearly 30 percent of the black girls are given a name that is unique among every baby, white and black, born that year in California. (There were also 228 babies named Unique during the 1990s alone, and one each of Uneek, Uneque, and Uneqqee; virtually all of them were black.)
What kind of parent is most likely to give a child such a distinctively black name? The data offer a clear answer: an unmarried, low-income, undereducated, teenage mother from a black neighborhood who has a distinctively black name herself. Giving a child a super-black name would seem to be a black parents signal of solidarity with her communitythe flip side of the acting white phenomenon. White parents, meanwhile, often send as strong a signal in the opposite direction. More than 40 percent of the white babies are given names that are at least four times more common among whites.
The California names data, however, afford a more robust opportunity. By subjecting this data to the economists favorite magic trick a statistical wonder known as regression analysis its possible to tease out the effect of any one factor (in this case, a persons first name) on her future education, income, and health.
The data show that, on average, a person with a distinctively black namewhether it is a woman named Imani or a man named DeShawndoes have a worse life outcome than a woman named Molly or a man named Jake. But it isnt the fault of his or her name. If two black boys, Jake Williams and DeShawn Williams, are born in the same neighborhood and into the same familial and economic circumstances, they would likely have similar life outcomes. But the kind of parents who name their son Jake dont tend to live in the same neighborhoods or share economic circumstances with the kind of parents who name their son DeShawn. And thats why, on average, a boy named Jake will tend to earn more money and get more education than a boy named DeShawn. DeShawns name is an indicatorbut not a causeof his life path.