South Africa is headed for another racial census, a.k.a. an “election” on 22 April—with the predictable outcome of returning another ANC government to power. Given that South African blacks represent 80% of the population, there is absolutely no way in which the ANC could lose.
Instead of dissipating over time amid the constant din of South African liberals who believe that the country has “finally transcended race” or is on its way to doing so, race and identity remain at the core of South African politics. No less a man than Harvard political scientist Samual Huntington once observed that South Africa was one of those countries condemned to a “conflict of civilizations”, with a formerly white-dominated Western country currently being Africanised by the demographically dominant black population and its Afrocentric leadership.
In fact, I was one of the few whites attending the infamous Durban “World Conference Against Racism” where I actually bumped into our current caretaker president, Kgalema Motlanthe, who is keeping the seat warm for the affable Zulu named Jacob Zuma. During our conversation Motlanthe confessed to his penchant for the book that defined Afrocentrism, Martin Bernal’s Black Athena.
South Africa is today an insane society, modelled upon an Ayn Rand nightmare where the looters govern and the producers, entrepreneurs and taxpayers are constantly harassed for handing over more of their wealth. Out of a total population of 46 million people, 12 million South Africans now receive so-called government “grants”. They and their dependents—who amount to probably more than 20 million people or half the population—survive on these government handouts. They do not work, yet receive childcare allowances, pensions, free housing, water, electricity, healthcare and schooling.
Together with the former East-Germany, South Africa must be counted among the most successful communist societies of all time where the nineteenth-century socialist dictum, “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need”, has become the evangelical raison d’être of a whole society.
The so-called black middle class consists of government employees, municipal politicians and recipients of racial preference programmes going under bizarre Orwellian names such as “BEE”, pronounced like the name of the insect and denoting “Black Economic Empowerment,” as well as “Equity”, meaning precisely that blacks “are more equal” than whites. South African blacks enjoy a standard of living unprecendented among their brothers on the African continent. These “black diamonds” as they have been dubbed by advertising agencies, see themselves as a kind of aristocracy or a jetset, economically far removed from their kin living in typical and hardly disguised African squalor and legally superior to South African whites who have been reduced to second-class, exploited citizens. Many educated whites are now either unemployed or work for half the wage earned by the lowest type of black manual worker in the formal sector.
On planet South Africa, where every job in a corporation or in government is subject to carefully monitored racial quotas, only an alien could believe that “race does not matter” and that we are sliding on our merry way to a common future as a united nation. The leader of the liberal white opposition party, Helen Zille, is such an alien, even apart from her Botox injections and heavy make-up, giving her the appearance of an ageless, emotionless android. The 58-year old liberal, who is married to a Marxist academic, has doggedly but vainly courted black support for her party, the Democratic Alliance.
In fact, 75% of the DA’s voters are white, and two thirds of those are Afrikaners. So at least 50% of the DA’s vote comes from Afrikaners, yet nowhere in the party’s statements or manifestoes is this fact ever mentioned. Its election slogan is: “one nation, one future”, meaning that the diverse races and cultures inhabiting South Africa should merge to form a single, integrated multicultural nation.
The only party contesting the election that could remotely be considered conservative, is the Freedom Front Plus under Dr. Pieter Mulder. Officially the party is in favour of self-determination and an Afrikaner state. Yet since the party’s formation in the early nineties, its founding principle has increasingly been pushed to the back burner. Mulder enjoys sparse support and has only four Members of Parliament, as opposed to the DA’s fifty. For this election, Mulder has positioned himself as a “possible coalition partner” of the liberal DA which, of course, does not countenance the idea of Afrikaner self-determination.
South Africa has gone through so many revolutions in so many areas that one can hardly keep count anymore. So it is easy to forget about the political revolution that has taken place over the last twenty years. The country has always been out of sync with Europe. When Europe swung to the left in the sixties and seventies, South Africa was ruled by the conservative National Party with black allies in the form of the homeland governments and other traditionalist black groups. At the time, the South African left was divided between an internal and an external wing, as well as communists and liberals who hated each other’s guts. Its only real support was abroad, especially in Britain where many exiled South African communists like Joe Slovo or ultra-liberals like Donald Woods lived.
After De Klerk’s surrender to the ANC in 1994, the left has staged an astonishing comeback and has almost completely displaced conservatives from the political stage. Apart from the Freedom Front Plus whose overall support among the total population amounts to less than one percent, there is no other party that could remotely be considered right-wing, nationalist or conservative. The Conservative Party itself, which broke away from the National Party when it had become evident that the latter was intent on abandoning the white cause in South Africa, has been disbanded and merged with the Freedom Front Plus.
As in the former Eastern Europe under communist rule, the very notion of conservatism or “being right-wing” is frowned upon in South Africa today. Almost all the media regularly try to sniff out remaining members of the “right-wing” who are generally considered to be a threat to society.
After its conference in Pietersburg in December 2007, the ANC split due the power struggle between Thabo Mbeki and his challenger, Jacob Zuma. The Zuma faction had won at the conference and subsequently “recalled” Mbeki from the presidency. Members of the Mbeki faction, led by the former minister of defence, Mosiuoa Lekota and a provincial premier, Sam Shilowa, have formed their own party, the Congress of the People or COPE, and are considered a mild threat to the ANC.
However, with dwindling corporate and foreign support for the ANC—in the early nineties, the US, Britain and Sweden poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the party to make sure it won the 1994 election, thereby cementing black rule—the ANC has increasingly turned to the state’s coffers to fund itself. Even apart from the massive amounts of money voted by parliament to fund political parties on a pro rata basis,—meaning the ANC gets the lion’s share—it has made money out of so-called black-empowerment deals whereby white-owned businesses transfer assets to ANC-aligned black businessmen, many of them former terrorists. So any new party finds itself dependent on public donations for funding, against the incumbents who are lavishly funded by the state. If only for this reason, COPE will fail in its attempts to make inroads into the ANC’s support among South Africa’s black masses.
The outcome of our upcoming racial census is therefore a foregone conclusion. The dilemma for the white or Afrikaner voter who has been brainwashed for fifteen years into thinking that he has no role in politics due to the colour of his skin and his demographic weakness, is heartbreaking to behold. There are some who believe that Mrs. Zille’s party will miraculously gain black support and so tame the ANC demon whose prominent and radical youth leader, Julius Malema, has recently been making ominous Mugabe-like noises. In a recent speech, he dismissed the liberal Helen Zille who would rather perform African dances with ANC voters than shake the hands of members of her own electorate as a “racist”. Of course, he was loudly applauded by the assembled crowd of black voters to whom any white, even Zille who takes pride in having been an anti-apartheid activist and former member of the Black Sash, is by definition a “racist”.
The South African system, which transferred all power into the hands of blacks, was foisted on the country by the major Western powers and is not working. Health services and rural municipalities have already collapsed. After the recent electricity shortages, water has now become a major issue with raw sewage being released into rivers and streams. When the lights go out, one can still light a candle but if the water in your tap is not drinkable, you have a problem. The sale of bottled water in South Africa is rising steadily and entrepreneurs are selling all sorts of expensive gadgets for purifying tap water.
After Zimbabwe, there is no long-term future for whites in Southern Africa anymore. At best they will be tolerated and discriminated against, at worst they will be driven out or even massacred. The other day two black assailants tied a white man in Rustenburg to his car mirror, poured petrol over him and set him alight. He died in hospital of 100% burn wounds.
These incidents that have become part of everyday news in South Africa show the underlying hatred that many blacks harbour toward whites, just like in Zimbabwe.
The only long-term solution for the Afrikaners of South Africa is to claim their own territory and set up their fourth republic there. Due to rapid and uncontrolled urbanisation, South Africa has become virtually empty except for millions of people clustering around a few big cities. Afrikaners could therefore claim large tracts of South African land for a a state of their own where they could easily form a racial and cultural majority.
As in many ethnically divided societies, elections in South Africa merely serve to confirm a pre-existing demographic relationship of majority over minority.
If one includes Namibia, which was part of our country for almost as long as South Africa has itself existed since 1910, it already contains four states: Namibia, South Africa, Lesotho and Swaziland. Ideally, South Africa should be further divided into seven or eight states that might form a confederation that could easily include Botswana and Zimbawe. After all, half the citizens of Zimbabwe are already living in the current Republic of South Africa, having fled the chaos up north.
The Freedom Front Plus is the only party that deserves to be taken seriously, for it has a solution to most of the dilemmas facing our subcontinent, as well as ensuring long-term Afrikaner survival.
Perhaps for that very reason, few whites will support it in this election, for they are voting neither with their hearts nor with their heads but in order to please the foreign whites who got them into this mess in the first place.
However, sooner or later the reality of the situation must dawn upon them. Let’s hope it is not too late by then.
